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5 Years After TRC: Is Canada Making the Grade?

Tansi, 

December 2020 marked 5 years since the TRC final report was released with 94 Calls to Action for truth and reconciliation with Indigenous people.  To commemorate this juncture, Team ReconciliAction set out to evaluate progress on each of the Calls to Action in the 5 years since their release. 

It has been quite a year for our team.  In addition to our ongoing report card, we attended the Indigenous Bar Association annual conference, the ILSA speaker series, the Kawaskimhon Moot, the Barton trial, Indigenous language engagement sessions, various faculty talks, we won a Clawbie and we attended protests, marches and vigils.  And we shared all of it with you, our dear audience.  We appreciate all of the engagement we've had this year on the blog and on our social media accounts, and we want to thank everyone who joined the conversation on reconciliation this year.  

Today, we release our final report card, and the culmination of our work over the 2020/21 academic year.  To those who have followed the progress, you have probably figured out that the report card on 5 year progress is bleak.  The few bright spots in reconciliation progress have come at the organizational level, where institutions could quickly work to address the Calls specific to them.  There has been little to no progress on more systemic change that requires governmental action, and in many cases we have actually seen a backslide.  For example, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has ceased making his emphatic statements that Canada's relationship with Indigenous people is the most important relationship, and here in Alberta we are looking into curriculum changes that exclude education on the legacy of residential schools.  

The takeaway from our report card is that Canada has much work to do, and likely needs to make significant increases to funding and efforts to correct some of these systemic issues in housing, healthcare, the justice system, child welfare and anti-racism.  So what comes next?  Will Canada stop fighting against Indigenous children?  Will Justice Minister David Lametti acknowledge the importance of Indigenous language speakers in this country and allow the bilingual requirement for the SCC to include languages other than colonial ones?  Will communities get clean drinking water?  Will provincial governments denounce racism in education and healthcare?  I mean, we hope so and each of us plans to continue the discussion beyond this blog.

We aren't saying goodbye yet, though.  Stay tuned next week as we get some final thoughts off our chest, and the week after for our individual reflections on the year.  

And now, for those of you who have not already scrolled ahead - The final grade:

Until Next Time,

ReconciliAction YEG

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Call to Action 77& 78: National Center for Truth and Reconciliation (NCTR)

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

Today Team ReconciliAction YEG continues our evaluation of the Calls to Action with #77 and #78. These Calls focus on the National Center for Truth and Reconciliation (NCTR). Call to Action #77 states:

77. We call upon provincial, territorial, municipal, and community archives to work collaboratively with the National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation to identify and collect copies of all records relevant to the history and legacy of the residential school system, and to provide these to the National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation. 

Since this Call to Action is directed at archives, the focus is on provinces and municipalities to take action. The difficulty of creating a complete and accurate record of the residential school system stems from several factors. The residential school system involved over 135 schools and several different government departments and church organizations, lasted over a century, and had traumatic consequences on the survivors.^[1] Despite these challenges, it is absolutely essential that Canadians develop a clear understanding of the residential school system and documentation is an important element of that understanding. 

As of 2018, the Chief Archivist of NCTR, Raymond Frogner reported that provinces, municipalities and communities were cooperating with the NCTR by providing records.^[2] However, some religious orders have refused to turn over residential school records to the NCTR, including schools like St. Anne’s in Ontario, where abuse was especially rampant and egregious. As of December 2020, the St. Anne’s Residential School records have not been released, despite court orders to do so.^[3]

(A photograph of St. Anne’s residential school, image courtesy of CTV News: https://www.ctvnews.ca/canada/residential-school-survivors-fighting-ottawa-over-access-to-police-records-1.1596983)

Due to the lack of accountability shown by these religious groups, we are assigning a D grade to this Call to Action. It is time for transparency and accountability for the role each party played in the residential school system.

The second Call to Action we are reviewing today is #78, as follows:

78. We call upon the Government of Canada to commit to making a funding contribution of $10 million over seven years to the National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation, plus an additional amount to assist communities to research and produce histories of their own residential school experience and their involvement in truth, healing, and reconciliation.

The government cites the “$10 million to support the important work of the National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation, as announced by the Prime Minister in December 2016” ^[4] as progress made towards this Call to Action. However, this is misleading. Call to Action #78 asks for an additional amount so that communities can research residential school experiences to know what happened and why. Allowing communities to have this information is crucial to reconciliation. Once again, the Government has not lived up to this commitment. No additional funding has been announced for the purpose of researching residential school experiences.

We are giving the Government a failing grade on this Call to Action. 

Until next time,

Team ReconciliAction YEG

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¹Office of the Auditor General of Canada, “Chapter 6—Creating a Historical Record of Indian Residential Schools” (Spring 2013) online: <www.oag-bvg.gc.ca/internet/English/parl_oag_201304_06_e_38191.html#hd3d> at 6.13.

²CBC News, “Beyond 94: Call to Action #77” (8 Feb 2021) online: <newsinteractives.cbc.ca/longform-single/beyond-94?&cta=77>.

³Jorje Barrera, “Some Catholic orders still withholding promised residential school records” CBC News (1 June 2018)  online: <www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/catholic-orders-residential-school-records-1.4686472>; Maan Alhmidi, “Survivor calls on Trudeau to release St. Anne’s residential-school abuse documents” The Star Edmonton (23 December 2020), online:<www.thestar.com/politics/2020/12/23/survivor-calls-on-trudeau-to-release-st-annes-residential-school-abuse-documents.html>

⁴Government of Canada, “Delivering on Truth and Reconciliation Commission Calls to Action: National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation” (5 September 2019) online: <www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1524505153967/1557512946537>.

 

 

5 Years After TRC: Expanding Religious Education

(Image: iStock)

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

Let us start today with a story. (Point first writing to be continued in another blog post…)

Once upon a time, during the colonization of what we now call Canada, nearly all settler schools were taught with a religious element.  These schools were usually Protestant, and the Catholic immigrants as a minority lobbied for the right to receive a Catholic education out of concern that their religion would suffer if not protected.  In 1867, this right was enshrined in the British North America Act, which would become Canada’s constitution.[1]  As time went on, schools became increasingly non-secular and multi-cultural, but this enshrined right to Catholic education remained. 

The intersect between law and dominant societal norms is an interesting place to navigate and requires a lens that is not tinted in the same shade of norm as a dominant society.  Roman Catholicism now makes up the largest portion of religious people in Canada at nearly 40% of the population.[2]  The next largest group is non-religious people who make up nearly 25% of Canada’s population.[3]  The remaining population in Canada practice among other forms of Christianity, Islamic, Sikhism, Hinduism, Buddhism, Judaism or other types of religion.[4]

But wait….

*record scratch**freeze frame*

(blogs not having sound effects is probably how TikTok happened)

This is from the 2011 census, which as we have discussed on this blog several times, did not include Indigenous data.  We know that around 60% of Canada is not Catholic, and we know that Catholic education was enshrined in the Canadian constitution to protect Catholicism as a minority religion.  This enshrined right appears to have been effective since Catholics are now the largest denominational group in Canada. A lot has happened since 1867 though, for instance, we have started to legally recognize women, Indigenous people, disabled, LGBTQ2S+ people as actual people with human rights equivalent to the typical Protestant white male from 1867 for whom the constitution was intended.  Those pesky societal norms are still catching up to these changes, but perhaps we can look to Catholicism as the success story of what can happen when minority rights are protected?

Let us now arrive at the point.  TRC Call to Action #64 calls on all levels of government that provide public funds to denominational schools to require such schools to provide an education on comparative religious studies, and specifically content covering Indigenous spiritual beliefs and practices developed in collaboration with Elders.[5]

Today, nine provinces have maintained an education model that continues to fund Catholic education separately from non-denominational education.  Newfoundland and Labrador switched entirely to non-denominational public schooling after a 1997 referendum on the matter, and Quebec halted funding to denominational schools that same year.[6]  The matter of using public funding for religious and private schools has been hotly debated for many years, but have any provinces required the religious schools they fund to teach comparative religion courses that include Indigenous teachings?

Not really.

Canada, the source of the originating enshrinement guaranteeing religious education, says they are not the lead on this Call to Action.[7]  BC has stated that religious schools are required to follow the BC curriculum, but has not mandated a specific Indigenous comparative religion course.[8]  In Ontario, where the funding of only Catholic education resulted in a lawsuit and condemnation by the United Nations, not much has been said about addressing comparative religious study.[9]  Alberta, home of ReconciliAction YEG, recently leaked some embarrassing panel recommendations as discussed in yesterday’s blog post, that would effectively remove any education about residential schools and Indigenous learning from the Alberta curriculum for certain grades. This would suggest that Alberta is not concerned about responding to Call #64.  We will spare you a list of every province, and provide our assessment – we assign the provinces and Canada a grade of F. 

Let us know what you think about public funding for denominational schools, and whether they should be required to teach comparative religious studies. 

Until Next Time,

Team ReconciliAction

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[1] British North America Act, 1867, Department of Justice Government of Canada, 3 November 1999, 30-31 Vict, c 3 (UK) [British North America Act, 1867,], s 93.

[2] Statistics Canada, Immigration and ethnocultural diversity in Canada: National Household Survey, 2011, by Tina Choui, Catalogue no. 99-010-X2011001 (Ottawa: Statistics Canada, 2013) at 21.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. (Ottawa: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015) at 331.

[6] Michael Coren, “Why Are We Still Paying for Catholic Schools?”, (6 January 2020), online: The Walrus <https://thewalrus.ca/why-are-we-still-paying-for-catholic-schools/>.

[7] Government of Canada, “Education for reconciliation”, (23 April 2018), online: <https://www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1524504501233/1557513602139>.

[8] British Columbia Ministry of Education, Ministry of Education Report on Actions Taken To Support Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada’s Calls to Action.

[9] CBC Radio, “It’s time to end public funding of Catholic schools”, (16 June 2017), online: CBC Radio <https://www.cbc.ca/radio/the180/stop-funding-catholic-schools-restore-trust-in-the-neb-and-let-me-change-my-name-1.4162978/it-s-time-to-end-public-funding-of-catholic-schools-1.4163049>.

TRC Call to Action #60: Aboriginal Beliefs and Spirituality and the Whiteman’s Gospel

We call upon leaders of the church parties to the Settlement Agreement and all other faiths, in collaboration with Indigenous spiritual leaders, Survivors, schools of theology, seminaries, and other religious training centres, to develop and teach curriculum for all student clergy, and all clergy and staff who work in Aboriginal communities, on the need to respect Indigenous spirituality in its own right, the history and legacy of residential schools and the roles of the church parties in that system, the history and legacy of religious conflict in Aboriginal families and communities, and the responsibility that churches have to mitigate such conflicts and prevent spiritual violence.

In plain simple terms Call to Action #60 is a call to train individuals in religious cultural safety, so that people of different faiths may understand each other better.^[1] This Call to Action aims to ensure churches and those Christian groups that were involved in the residential school system make a conscious and organized effort to educate their organizations on the harms of what those schools did and take an active role in respecting Aboriginal communities and their members' individual rights to practice spirituality according to the teachings of their ancestors.

Canada is a religiously pluralistic country because of its diverse population. This requires Canadians to act with tolerance and respect, including learning about each other’s faiths and beliefs, and accepting that differences can coexist. These actions can minimize or eliminate the divisiveness, hostility and prejudice seen throughout Canadian history towards Indigenous beliefs and practices associated with their spirituality.^[2]

There is a great responsibility of the church parties to mitigate the harms they caused to Indigenous peoples, and addressing these harms requires more than apologies. Our December 2, 2020 post on the Calls to Action #48 and 49 outlining the church parties apologies can be found here: https://ualbertalaw.typepad.com/faculty/2020/12/re-trc-call-to-action-48-49-settlement-agreement-parties-and-undrip.html

It is worth noting that although Pope Benedict expressed his sorrow for those who suffered at the Residential Schools, the Catholic Church has yet to issue a formal apology. This is shameful when considering that the Catholic Church ran 70% of the forced Indian Residential Schooling in Canada.^[3]   

Acknowledgements and apologies are an important first step, yet without action, they are empty words and empty promises of reconciliation. The spiritual harm and abuse that First Nations, Metis, and Inuit experienced during the era of colonial expansion require extensive education to understand the spiritual relationship with the Creator and with the Land that Indigenous peoples have. This education should include actively unlearning harmful views that place Indigenous ceremonies and practices as sinful in the eyes of God as referred to in the Anglican Church’s “Apology for Spiritual Harm”.  This apology was an excellent example of a church taking ownership.^[4] 

The arrogance of many churches resulted in grievous harm and the great loss of ceremonies and spiritual teachings that have sustained the First Peoples for generations upon generations. The intergenerational spiritual trauma created by the arrogance of many churches may begin to heal by furthering cultural education to church clergy, members, and leaders that identifies the importance of Aboriginal practices and ceremony.

Call to Action #60 is a very difficult recommendation to universally implement in Canada. It took Canada’s Supreme Court until 2017 with the Ktunaxa Nation v. British Columbia ^[5] case to issue a ruling on Indigenous religious freedom which in the end only ended up showing that the Supreme Court is unable to recognize its own colonial and culturally located position under the Charter.^[6]

There is no clear way to make it mandatory for a church organization to develop a curriculum of cultural education that would not violate their s. 2(a) Charter rights. This provision of the Charter works against Aboriginal Peoples in two ways, as previously mentioned and because protection under it requires claimants “to frame their religion in terms that are recognizable to the legal culture of Canada without reference to the colonial foundations of that very legal system or the broader colonial context of Canada”.^[7] Essentially indicating that Indigenous religious freedom, under s. 2(a), is currently an impossibility and poses a significant barrier.  

From a policy perspective, this is a very difficult recommendation for the government to implement that would be effective, it would need to work with Indigenous communities and organizations cohesively to do so and make significant changes in government policy. Moving forward, it remains up to each religious group to play its own part in working towards reconciliation through cultural education and it will be interesting to see who takes this seriously. ^[8]

Until Next Time,

Team ReconcilAction YEG

[1] Acadia University, “TRCtalk” online: <http://courseware.acadiau.ca/trctalk/category/calls/>. 

[2] Benna Crawford, “The Advantages of Religious Diversity” (29 Sept 2017), online: Classroom <classroom.synonym.com/the-advantages-of-religious-diversity-12087077.html>.

[3] CAID.ca, “Church Apologies for Indian Residential Schools”, online: <caid.ca/Dchurch_apology.html>. 

[4] Archbishop Fred Hiltz, “An Apology for Spiritual Harm” (July 12, 2019) online: <anglican.ca/news/an-apology-for-spiritual-harm/30024511/>.

[5] https://scc-csc.lexum.com/scc-csc/scc-csc/en/item/16816/index.do 

[6] Nicolas Shrubsole, Policy Options, “The Impossibility of Religious Freedom”, 2017 online: The impossibility of Indigenous religious freedom (irpp.org) 

[7] Ibid

[8] TRCtalk, supra note 1, Call to Action #60. 

\

Re: TRC Call to Action #48 & 49: Settlement Agreement Parties and UNDRIP

48. We call upon the church parties to the Settlement Agreement, and all other faith groups and interfaith social justice groups in Canada who have not already done so, to formally adopt and comply with the principles, norms, and standards of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples as a framework for reconciliation. This would include, but not be limited to, the following commitments:

       i.  Ensuring that their institutions, policies, programs, and practices comply with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

      ii. Respecting Indigenous peoples’ right to self determination in spiritual matters, including the right to practise,  develop, and teach their own spiritual and religious traditions, customs, and ceremonies, consistent with Article 12:1 of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

      iii. Engaging in ongoing public dialogue and actions to support the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

      iv. Issuing a statement no later than March 31, 2016, from all religious denominations and faith groups, as to how  they will implement the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

49. We call upon all religious denominations and faith groups who have not already done so to repudiate concepts used to justify European sovereignty over Indigenous lands and peoples, such as the Doctrine of Discovery and terra nullius.[1]

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

These Calls to Action are some of the few that do not call on any level of government for implementation, but rather the Churches themselves.  There is no doubt that the organizations who facilitated and ran the  Residential Schools should be held accountable for the role they played, and provide an apology . Yet  this does not diminish the role of the Canadian government, because it was their mandate to indoctrinate and assimilate a people which ended up tearing families apart and being a central root of Intergenerational trauma.  

Taking another step forward includes adopting the principles set out in United Nations Declaration of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP)[2] that condemn the Doctrine of Discovery, whose consequences have had devastating effects for Indigenous peoples.  It is a doctrine that is based on an immoral and illegal principle, and has no place domestically or internationally.. [3]

Call to Action #48 and #49 reflect the pivotal role that the churches played in the residential school programs and the unmeasurable harms that resulted. . The demand for each organization involved to release and issue a statement no later than March 31, 2016 has been met with some success.

Our post today will be just a little bit different so we could provide our readers with a table of who has done what and when, at a glance. See the table below for the churches/ organizations and correlating responses.

Church Organization	Date of Response and/or Statement
Joint Response of the Roman Catholic, Anglican, Presbyterian & United	June 2015 Statement Apology on Residential Schools by the Catholic Church (cccb.ca)
United Church of Canada	March 2016 Statement Apology to Former Students of United Church Indian Residential Schools, and to Their Families and Communities (united-church.ca)
Presbyterian Church in Canada	June 9, 1994 Confessions of the Presbyterian Church in Canada  Confession of the Presbyterian Church in Canada
Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops	Statement  on website: Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops (cccb.ca)
Anglican Church of Canada	August 6, 1993/March 19, 2016 Statement Anglican Church of Canada’s apology for residential schools
Anabaptist Church Leaders, Mennonite Central Committee (MCC)	July 31, 2017 Statement MCC’s response to the TRC Calls To Action 48 and 49 | Mennonite Central Committee Canada (mcccanada.ca)
Canadian Friends Service Committer (Quakers)	August 22, 2013 Statement of Doctrine of Discovery and continued advocacy. CFSC staff coordinated and participated in two events at the closing ceremonies of the TRC in June 2015. Canadian Friends Service Committee (Quakers) (quakerservice.ca)
Canadian Interfaith Conversation	March 28, 2016 – Statement on the Importance of the Truth and Reconciliation and the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Canadian Interfaith Conversation
Citizens for Public Justice	March 29, 2016 Statement http://www.cpj.ca/statement-cpj-trc-calls-action
Evangelical Lutheran Church in Canada	March 2016 Statement in response to TRC and UNDRIP Evangelical Lutheran Church in Canada (elcic.ca)
First United Church (Ottawa)	March 22, 2016 Statement in response to TRC and UNDRIP First United Church (kairoscanada.org)
Holy Cross Fathers English Canada	February 2016 Statement in response to TRC and UNDRIP Holy Cross Fathers English Canada (holycrossjustice.org)
Reseau Oecumenique Justice et Paix	March 2016 – Statement Réseau Oecuménique Justice et Paix (justicepaix.org)
The Salvation Army	March 30, 2016 Statement in response to TRC and UNDRIP The Salvation Army (salvationist.ca)

(Disclaimer: This list is not exhaustive)

Since the early 1990s, Canadian churches have been publicly apologizing for their role in the Residential School system. More recently, Canadian federal and provincial governments have now formally apologized for the creation and forced attendance of the schools, the abuses suffered at the schools, and for the horrific effects they caused. These apologies have been the beginning of healing in their acknowledgement. 

It would be difficult to give Canada a grade here so they get no grade. 

Until Next Time, 

Team ReconciliAction YEG

 

[1] Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. (Ottawa: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015) [TRC].

[2]  United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, GA Res 61/295, UNGAOR, 61st Sess,UN Doc A/61/295 (2007) [UNDRIP].

[3]Assembly of First Nations, “Dismantling the Doctrine of Discovery” (Jan 2018) online (pdf):  18-01-22-Dismantling-the-Doctrine-of-Discovery-EN.pdf (afn.ca) 

5 Years After TRC: Excluded from the Residential School Settlement

(Image: iStock Photo)

 

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

 

A Record-Breaking Settlement

The Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement (IRSSA) resulted in the largest settlement to date in Canadian history.^[1] It included unique non-financial measures including the creation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission which developed the Calls to Action we are evaluating, a fund for commemoration projects to memorialize the impact of residential schools, and a fund to provide mental health supports to all plaintiffs included in the settlement.^[2]  

 

Individual plaintiffs were eligible for payment through the Common Experience fund, which would pay eligible survivors a set amount based on the duration of residence in a residential school.  In addition to the Common Experience Payment (CEP), survivors who experienced physical or sexual abuse were also eligible for the Independent Assessment Process (IAP).^[3]  IAP was an adjudicative process that offered additional reparations on top of the common experience  
payment, and involved the survivor recounting the abuses that occurred.

This process was not without issue.  The large fund combined with an allowance in the agreement for counsel to charge
up to 15% of the settlement attracted lawyers from all walks, including those who had little training or experience with
trauma-informed work (as should have been required here).  Charging 15% of the settlement payout was meant to be reserved for the most complex of settlements, yet several lawyers took advantage of vulnerable claimants and routinely charged this.^[4] Many survivors who sought acknowledgment and apology over financial compensation were re-traumatized by the incredible detail required during IAP or accepted smaller payouts because they were simply unable to share their trauma in that room.^[5]  

 

Many survivors not eligible to make a claim

The harms of these schools remain significant, but did you know that many survivors of residential schools were excluded entirely from the settlement, as well as the 2008 apology from the Prime Minister? 

 

The settlement agreement did not include; 

• Day school survivors, and those who attended residential schools during daytime hours,
• Métis who attended Métis residential or boarding schools, 
• those who attended schools in Newfoundland and Labrador, and 
• those who attended schools that were otherwise not considered to be under federal jurisdiction.^[6]  

 

Any school not found to be a residential school under some level of federal responsibility was excluded from the settlement.^[7] 

 

Of course all of these schools operated within the policy set out by the Indian Act and its mandate to deal with the “Indian Problem” by “killing the Indian within the child”.^[8] Whether or not the federal government funded or oversaw the operation of these schools, their fundamental purpose was guided by federal law and policy. 

 

Many Class Action Suits 

These exclusions led to a number of new class action lawsuits by affected survivors who had been excluded. 

 

• The Indian Day School Settlement Agreement has been approved for up to $1.4 billion for Day School survivors, but this settlement still excludes survivors who did not attend a federally operated day school.^[9]  
• A proposed settlement of $50 million was approved in 2016 for survivors of Newfoundland and Labrador schools, based on a breach of fiduciary duty by Canada.^[10] This may set a precedent for future claims that involve schools not previously found to be federal jurisdiction.  
• A memorandum of understanding has been entered into by Canada and the Métis students who attended the Île-à-la-Crosse mission boarding school in Saskatchewan, but Métis students who attended Timber Bay Residential School are working to appeal their class action certification after it was dismissed by a Saskatchewan judge.^[11] 
• There is yet another class action by Day Scholars, or students who attended federally operated residential schools but returned home at night.  In this case, negotiations have broken down and the action proceeds to trial in 2021.^[12]

Canada’s response to Call to Action #29

Call to Action #29 calls upon Canada to work collaboratively with survivors who were not included in the initial settlement. Team ReconciliAction gives Canada a grade of ‘D’ on this call.

 

 

The harms caused by residential and day schools are broad reaching, and a common experience for students who attended any school that followed the assimilation policies of the Indian Act, regardless of federal jurisdiction.  Forcing survivors to fight for piecemeal reparations for these broad reaching common harms is not reconciliatory.  Team ReconciliAction is uncertain if Canada is merely waiting for more survivors to pass away or if the government legitimately believes it should not take responsibility for the consequences of its policies. Either way, the reconciliatory approach requires Canada to initiate negotiations will all affected survivors, and to negotiate with repairing the harms as the forefront objective.

 

Do you think Canada deserves a ‘D’, even after some of the largest settlement payouts in history? Let us know in the comments.

 

Until Next Time, 

Team ReconciliAction

 

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¹ Tabitha Marshall, “Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement”, (11 July 2013), online: The Canadian Encyclopedia <https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/indian-residential-schools-settlement-agreement>.

² Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. (Ottawa: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015) at 130.

³ Ibid at 169.

⁴ See for example Bird v Blott, 2019 ABQB 764, a recently certified class action suit in which a Calgary lawyer is alleged to have earned $21 million on approximately 5600 mishandled IRS claims.

⁵ Sarah Petz, “Settlement process retraumatizes some residential school survivors, report says”, CBC News (20 February 2020), online: <https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/manitoba/residential-school-survivors-settlement-report-1.5470001>.

⁶ Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, supra note 2 at 170.

⁷ Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement, (8 May 2006), online <http://www.residentialschoolsettlement.ca/settlement.html> at 63.

⁸ Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, supra note 2 at 130.

⁹ McLean v Canada, 2019 FC 1075 [McLean v Canada].

¹⁰ Anderson v Canada (Attorney General), 2016 NLTD(G) 179 [Anderson v. Canada (Attorney General)].

¹¹ Priscilla Wolf, “Canada says it will address wrongs against Metis students who were forced into Saskatchewan residential school”, (22 July 2019), online: APTN News <https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/canada-says-it-will-address-wrongs-against-metis-students-who-were-forced-into-saskatchewan-residential-school/>; “Metis Residential Schools Class Action | Merchant Law Group LLP”, online: <https://www.merchantlaw.com/class-actions/current-class-actions/metis-residential-schools-class-action/>.

¹² “Day Scholar Update, February 2020”, online: Justice for Day Scholars <http://www.justicefordayscholars.com/update/day-scholar-update-february-2020/> note: Day Scholars attended the residential schools during the day but returned home at night, whereas day schools that qualify for the approved day school settlement were ONLY day schools.

In the Media: Peter Hogg on Ktunaxa & Religious Freedom

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

        On Wednesday, the Centre for Constitutional Studies hosted two events featuring constitutional scholar, lawyer, and professor emeritus Peter Hogg. In the first event, Hogg provided a critique of the SCC’s decision in Ktunaxa First Nation v British Columbia (the case we introduced in Tuesday’s blog).

        According to Hogg (and many other members in the audience), the outcome of this case was surprising. The majority concluded that the decision to move ahead with development did not violate the Ktunaxa’s freedom of religion, but in so doing, Hogg argued, they applied “an analysis that would be expected for a non-Indigenous claim.”[1] The nature of Indigenous spiritual beliefs and practices are really not analogous to traditional western religions like Christianity or Judaism. Rather, they are tied to the land, and intrinsically connected to the plants and animals that live on the land. In focusing only on section 2(a) of the Charter,[2] Hogg noted, the Court mischaracterized the right in question and ultimately “dealt with the claim inadequately.”[3]

        Importantly, infringements on a group or individual’s section 2(a) Charter rights can be justified by section 1.[4] Section 1 of the Charter, however, does not apply to Aboriginal rights under section 35 of the Constitution.[5] Although the government can (and more often than not, does) infringe on Aboriginal rights, the processes for determining whether the action is justified are very different. Hogg mentioned it was very unusual to see an Aboriginal claim dealt with this way – “No other case has treated this kind of claim so lightly!”[6] In his opinion, “it doesn’t fit the pattern at all.”[7]

        In terms of the majority’s statement that “the state’s duty under 2(a) is not to protect the object of beliefs,”[8] Hogg highlighted the shortcomings of this line of thinking and said, “I suppose you could continue to believe in something that disappeared, but that’s kind of a silly point.”[9] He also noted ironically that “if something was going to make God go away, I think Christians would be pretty upset!”[10] And yet, the activities that may well result in the Grizzly Bear Spirit’s disappearance were characterized as reasonable and not enough of an issue to prevent the project from moving forward.

        After his talk, Hogg opened the floor to questions. One member of the audience spoke to the contradictions between the value the SCC has placed on reconciliation and rights in past decisions, and the lack of these in this case and on the ground. Another audience member problematized the way that this decision is based on a conceptualization of Indigenous people and their beliefs as frozen in time wherein claims will fail either because they cannot be proven or are no longer relevant. The absurdity of this catch-22 scenario was not lost on Hogg, who agreed that it appeared the Court did not regard the Ktunaxa claim as either a legitimate religious belief or a valid Aboriginal right – if they had, it is unlikely that the inevitable elimination of the Grizzly Bear Spirit would be where we ended up.

Until next time,

Team ReconciliAction YEG

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[1] Peter Hogg, (First Nations’ Freedom of Religion, delivered at the University of Alberta, 31 January 2018) [unpublished].

[2] Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Part I of the Constitution Act, 1982, being Schedule B to the Canada Act 1982 (UK), 1982, c 11 [Charter] at s 2(a) provides: “Everyone has the following fundamental freedoms: freedom of conscience and religion”.

[3] Hogg, supra note 1.

[4] Charter, supra note 2, at s 1 provides: “The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms guarantees the rights and freedoms set out in it subject only to such reasonable limits prescribed by law as can be demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society.

[5] Part II of the Constitution Act, 1982, being Schedule B to the Canada Act 1982 (UK), 1982, c 11 at s 35 provides: “The existing aboriginal and treaty rights of the aboriginal peoples of Canada are hereby recognized and affirmed.”

[6] Hogg, supra note 1.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Ktunaxa First Nation v British Columbia, 2017 SCC 54 at para 71.

[9] Hogg, supra note 1.

[10] Ibid.

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Ktunaxa Grizzly Bear Spirit: An Indigenous Charter Rights Argument

“Jumbo Valley,” retrieved from https://www.desmog.ca/2014/10/06/ktunaxa-chief-willing-jail-to-stop-jumbo-glacier-resort-sacred-spiritual-place-qat-muk.

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

    Yesterday’s post overviewed the cases involved in establishing the scope of Aboriginal rights and whether government interference with these rights is justified. Although these rights are protected under section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982, there is another class of rights that flow from the Constitution: The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. These constitutionally-recognized rights were the basis of the Ktunaxa’s freedom of religion claims in Ktunaxa Nation v. British Columbia (Forests, Lands and Natural Resource Operations).¹

    The Ktunaxa First Nations traditional territories include an area called “Qat’muk” located in a Canadian valley in the northwestern part of the larger Ktunaxa territory, the Jumbo Valley, about 55 kilometres west of the town of Invermere, British Columbia.² The respondent to the case, Glacier Resorts Ltd., sought to build a year-round ski resort in Qat’muk. For over twenty years, the resort had been negotiating with the B.C. government and stakeholders, including the Aboriginal peoples who inhabit the valley, the Ktunaxa and the Shuswap, on the terms and conditions of the development.³ During this process, the Ktunaxa aired their concerns about  the ski resort being built within their traditional territories, as the proposed location was home to the Grizzly Bear Spirit (Kⱡawⱡa Tukⱡuⱡakʔis,), a spirit central to their religious beliefs and cosmology.⁴ However, despite the Ktunaxa’s protests, the Minister declared that reasonable consultation had occurred and approved the project.⁵

    The central issue of Ktunaxa Nation was whether,“the British Columbia Minister of Forests, Lands and Natural Resource Operations erred in approving a ski resort development, despite claims by the Ktunaxa that the development would breach their constitutional right to freedom of religion and to protection of Aboriginal interests under s. 35 of the Constitution Act.”⁶

    When this dispute made its way to the Supreme Court, the court decided that the Minister’s decision was reasonable “in the circumstances,” as the Ktunaxa took the position that no permanent development in the area could be allowed -- ultimately “placing the Minister in a difficult, if not impossible, position.”⁷ Further, the Ktunaxa’s Charter claim was dismissed, with the court holding that,

“the claim does not engage the right to freedom of conscience and religion under s.2(a) of the Charter. Section 2(a) protects the freedom of individuals and groups to hold and manifest religious beliefs... The Ktunaxa’s claim does not fall within the scope of s.2(a) because neither the Ktunaxa’s freedom to hold their beliefs nor their freedom to manifest those beliefs is infringed by the Minister’s decision to approve the project.”⁸

        Although Ktunaxa Nation reflects a creative approach towards establishing Aboriginal rights, particularly when seeking to establish traditional religious beliefs of a First Nation, the case nonetheless represents two steps back as we attempt to move forward in reconciliation. Kathryn Teneese, chair of the Ktunaxa Nation Council, voiced her concerns of the Supreme Court’s ruling, stating "I felt that we were less than, in our right to our beliefs.”⁹ The case was not a failure for the Ktunaxa, but rather emphasized the failure of the courts to make a decision that reflected the current reconciliation efforts of Canada. As we see more cases involving Indigenous rights to religion within the court system, we can only hope the SCC can alter its perspective, and recognize the importance of protecting these sacred religious spaces -- not only for Indigenous people, but for Canada as a whole.

 

Until next time,

Team ReconciliAction YEG

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[1] Ktunaxa Nation v. British Columbia (Forests, Lands and Natural Resource Operations), 2017 SCC 54 (CanLII).

[2] Ibid at para 3.

[3] Ibid at para 4.

[4] Ibid at para 5.

[5] Ibid at para 6.

[6] Ibid at para 1.

[7] Ibid at para 154.

[8] Ibid at para 8.

[9] Chantelle Bellrichard, “Ktunaxa profoundly disappointed but undeterred by Supreme Court ruling”, CBC News Indigenous (3 November 2017), online: http://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/supreme-court-canada-ktunaxa-1.4385234.

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Alberta Residential School Experience

Image retrieved from http://thechildrenremembered.ca/photos/?id=1113&school=edmonton

“Dear Mom and Dad,

[...] the main reason for my writing is that I want to go home. I’m not homesick or anything, just…this morning at 2 a.m. [he] woke us up and started to preach to us on how stupid the Indian was…Then this morning as 5 a.m. [he] got us up to go and scrub the basement. It was there I decided I’d like to go home because [he] slapped me around for not getting a haircut that morning…so don’t be surprised if you see me home pretty soon. I was planning to try to stick it out the whole term, but [he] threw a monkey-wrench into my plans.

P.S. the Christmas I spent here was the worst one in my whole life”

-Letter from Edmonton Indian Residential School student to his parents, Jan. 8, 1962. [1]

 

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

    As yesterday’s blog post introduced you to Canada’s painful legacy of the residential school system, today we look to its impact closer to home. The Indian Residential School Settlement Agreement identified a non-exhaustive list of 139 schools. Of that list, there were 25 residential schools within Alberta, more than any other province or territory in Canada. [2] Today we focus on the Edmonton Indian Residential School (IRS), and the children’s experiences within it’s dark walls.

     The Edmonton IRS opened its doors in 1924, in coordination with the United Church of Canada. [3] The school replaced the Red Deer IRS, because of it’s closer proximity to the Treaty 6 communities in Northern Alberta. Similarly to the Red Deer IRS, the school operated on a half-day system, with classes in the morning and vocational training (primarily farming) in the afternoon. Farming contributed to the institute's finances; however, friction arose as the farm work replaced time for academic study. By 1953, farming operations at the school ended, along with the half-day system. [4]

     With World War II decreasing  government spending on the school, maintenance and cleaning were a major issue for Edmonton IRS, leading to poor water quality and skin disease among the children. Staff shortages were also a problem. Principal Findlay Barnes wrote at the time, “Cheap, inefficient help has been [the school’s] downfall.” [5] Full enrollment of students (150 by 1931) was also a setback for the school, as officials began relocating children from communities in British Columbia, creating an ever greater distance between the children and their families. [6]

     Rumours spread of abuse and mortality, one student writing home, “please send for us if you do not want us to come home in caskets.” [7] Allegations of sexual abuse of the children by the school’s minister were also brought to the attention of church officials. On September 28, 1960, the minister was convicted on charges of gross indecency and received a one-year suspended sentence with psychiatric treatment. By the late 1950’s, the Department of Indian Affairs Officials called for the closure of the school, with a growing preference to place the students in foster homes where they could attend day schools.[8] The Edmonton IRS finally closed in 1966, but the effects of the school on the survivors, their families and communities are still felt today.

 

Until next time,

Team ReconciliAction YEG

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[1] Residential School Archive Project: The Children Remembered, Edmonton Indian Residential School (The United Church of Canada Archives), online: <http://thechildrenremembered.ca/school-locations/edmonton/>.

[2] Truth and Reconciliation Commission, official website: <http://www.trc.ca/websites/trcinstitution/index.php?p=12>.

[3] Children Remembered, supra note 1.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Ibid.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Ibid.

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KAIROS Blanket Exercise: Learning Canada’s Dark History

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

In light of the TRC Calls to Action, in particular number 28, which calls upon law schools in Canada to inform their students of the history and legacy of the residential school system¹, all incoming 1Ls to the faculty participated in the KAIROS Blanket Exercise last Tuesday. The exercise was facilitated by Jodi Stonehouse, radio host of Acimowin, Koren Lightening-Earle, Faculty of Law Alumna, and Professor Hadley Friedland.

So, what is the KAIROS Blanket Exercise? The exercise is an interactive learning experience that covers over 500 years of history in roughly two hours. The participants of the exercise, this year’s 1Ls, took on the role of the Indigenous peoples of Canada, while the facilitators acted as colonizers. Blankets are utilized to represent Indigenous lands, and as time progresses from pre-contact to colonization, blankets are removed as Indigenous lands are occupied by the colonizers.

Processes of cultural genocide are read aloud by the participants. Such processes depict Canada’s Aboriginal policy, which aimed to assimilate the Aboriginal peoples in an effort to terminate their existence as distinct legal, social, cultural, religious, and racial entities in Canada.² The residential school system is one major example of cultural genocide, a system funded by Canada and operated by certain religious organizations to “educate” Aboriginal children. Although on its face these schools were a learning institute, they were created primarily to break the children’s link to their culture and identity.³ The Canadian government labelled Aboriginal parents as unfit to parent, and thus removed the children from their families and communities. Their languages and culture were suppressed, with harsh discipline for those that went against these rules.⁴ Between the government’s underfunding for Aboriginal policy and the church’s resolve to convert as many children as possible, these schools became sites of “hunger, overwork, danger and disease, limited education, and, in tens of thousands of cases, physical, sexual, and psychological abuse and neglect.”⁵ 

Although the residential school system is often mistaken as “something of the past,” the last school shut its doors in 1996. The effects of the system continue to be felt today by survivors, their families, and their communities. In an effort to begin to repair the harms done by the schools, the Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement provided compensation to those students who attended one of the 139 residential schools and residences. The federal government has estimated at least 150,000 First Nation, Métis, and Inuit students have passed through the system.⁶ The KAIROS Blanket Exercise is one example of reconcili-action, by educating individuals of Canada’s dark past we can begin to work together towards a future in reconciliation.

(Canada’s dark history involving the residential school system will be further discussed next month in the blog.)

 

Until next time,

Team ReconciliAction YEG

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[1] Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada: Calls to Action (Winnipeg: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada), 2015, at page 3.

[2] Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, Canada's Residential Schools: The History, Part 1, Origins to 1939: The Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, Volume I (McGill-Queen's University Press), 2015, at page 3.

[3] Ibid, at 4.

[4] Ibid, at 5.

[5] Ibid, at 131.

[6] Ibid, at 4.

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Zombie Law Apocalypse

Studying the British North America Act involves research into history: the foundations of the Dominion of Canada, the social and political factors that drove or opposed Confederation, and the laws that shaped our current jurisprudence and legislation. For this final week blogging as the Dominion 2017, each writer takes a turn looking to the future.

Pop culture has a mild obsession with fantastical zombie apocalypse theories like in the film World War Z and the television series The Walking Dead. Today we exploit this wordplay to write about Canada’s zombie laws.

Today’s post doesn’t predict a zombie apocalypse. Instead, it celebrates the impending doom of so-called zombie laws in the Criminal Code.[1]

Several “undead” laws remain “on the books”—in the Criminal Code—until Parliament amends or repeals them. Zombie laws are effectively null. If a court imposes a conviction under such laws, the defendant will likely succeed on appealing that conviction. Most zombie laws have been struck down by the courts for failing to comply with the Constitution.[2] Others are simply out of date with contemporary customs.[3]

Zombie laws usually don't do anything but sit on the books and make law students chuckle. So, what’s the harm of leaving them written in the code? It’s simply misleading; it can confuse the justice process. The government should clearly express what is an is not a law so that individuals are aware. Without the benefit of a legal education to sort through case law, many people may be unaware of laws that have been struck down.

Legal scholars across Canada renewed their demands on parliament to repeal zombie laws after the apocalyptic fallout when a judge used such a law. As we wrote in September, Court of Queen’s Bench Justice Denny Thomas convicted Travis Vader using a charge that has been struck down by the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC). Justice Thomas subsequently corrected that error and convicted Vader with manslaughter. This correction precluded Vader’s lawyers from appealing the conviction on the grounds that it fell under an unconstitutional provision.

A parliamentary democracy gives lawmakers parliamentary supremacy. Parliament can enact or repeal any law it wishes by passing a bill through the House of Commons. However, the Constitution supersedes all other legislation. In 1982 the constitutional supremacy clause was introduced.[4] It assures that all Canadian legislation is consistent with the constitutional provisions. When courts interpret legislation, they have the power to strike down a law and render it “of no force or effect” to the extent that it is inconsistent with the Constitution; including the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.[5]

The Charter also took effect in 1982 and, being part of the Constitution, holds the same status as supreme law. Several laws—among those listed below—that were enacted before 1982 have subsequently been rendered unconstitutional.

To bring the Criminal Code text in line with jurisprudence and contemporary social values, Parliament has announced that it will repeal (hopefully all) the zombie laws.[6] Eliminating uncertainty and vagueness in the Criminal Code will prevent potential future apocalyptic zombie justice system.

List of Undead Offenders:

• s. 71: Challenging someone or accepting a challenge to fight in a duel.[7]
• s. 159: Anal intercourse for people under 18 years; anal intercourse in groups.[8]
• s. 163(1, 7): Publishing crime comics.[9]
• s. 163(2)(d): Advertising drugs that “are a method for restoring sexual virility or curing venereal diseases.”[10]
• s. 179: Vagrancy.[11]
• s. 181: Spreading false news.[12]
• s. 230: Murder in commission of offences.[13]
• s. 250(1, 2): Water-skiing at night; water skiing without a spotter.[14]
• s. 287: Abortion.[15]
• s. 296: Publishing blasphemous libel.
• s. 365: Fraudulently pretending to practice witchcraft, sorcery, enchantment, or conjuration; or tell fortunes.[16]
• s. 427(1): Issuing trading stamps.[17]

 

[1] RSC 1985, c-46.

[2] Constitution Act, 1982, s 52, being Schedule B to the Canada Act 1982 (UK), 1982, c 11 [Constitution].

[3] Tu Thanh Ha, “These Seven Archaic ‘Zombie Laws’ still Exist in the Criminal Code,” The Globe and Mail (8 March 2017), online: <www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/these-zombie-laws-in-the-criminal-code-could-still-have-you-arrested/article34246168/>.

[4] Constitution, supra note 2, s 52.

[5] Part I of the Constitution Act, 1982, being Schedule B to the Canada Act 1982 (UK), 1982, c 11 [Charter].

[5] Kathleen Harris, “Federal Government to Axe 'Zombie Laws' from Canada's Criminal Code,” CBC News (7 March 2017), online: <www.cbc.ca/news/politics/criminal-code-reform-zombie-laws-1.4013869>; Brent Rathgeber, “The Criminal Code is in Dire Need of Housecleaning: Trudeau Needs to Pick Up where Harper Failed to Act,” iPolitics (22 September 2016), online: iPolitics.com <www.ipolitics.ca/2016/09/22/the-criminal-code-is-in-dire-need-of-housecleaning/>.

[6] Harris, ibid.

[3] Ha, supra note 2.

[8] R v M(C), 23 OR (3d) 629, 82 OAC 68; R v Roth, 2002 ABQB 145, 306 AR 387.

[9] R v Butler, [1992] 1 SCR 452, 89 DLR (4th) 449.

[10] Ha, supra note 3.

[11] R v Heywood, [1994] 3 SCR 761, 120 DLR (4th) 348.

[12] R v Zundel, [1992] 2 SCR 731, 56 OAC 161.

[13] R v Vaillancourt, [1987] 2 SCR 636, 68 Nfld & PEIR 281; R v Martineau, [1990] 2 S.C.R. 633, 76 Alta LR (2d) 1.

[14] R v Gatt, 1992 CanLII 1105 (BC SC).

[15] R v Morgentaler, [1988] 1 SCR 30, 44 DLR (4th) 385.

[16] Ha, supra note 3.

[17] Ibid.

Separate But Inconvenient?

What place does separate but publicly funded religious education have in modern Canada? As mentioned in a previous post, Manitoba was the first jurisdiction in Canada to end the practice of having parallel public and Catholic school systems. People are in favour of this system for both practical and principled reasons.

In Alberta, it seems perfectly normal to have parallel school systems; however, this is no longer the norm. Only Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Ontario retain this old division. Quebec abolished it, with federal consent, in 1999.¹ The BNA Act guaranteed provinces with separate school systems the right to keep them under section 93.² Section 93’s wording allows for the abolishment of parallel schools if it is not “prejudicial”, which justified Quebec’s actions.³

A major argument in favour of abolishing the Catholic system is efficiency. The Catholic school system is not merely a set of schools, but an entirely parallel administrative system. Edmonton Public School Board Chair Michael Janz recently floated the idea of Catholic programs run by Edmonton Public Schools. The Board already has programs for other denominations of Christianity, Jewish, and Islamic schools.⁴  Janz clearly maintained that he does not want to abolish the current Catholic Boards, but does see value in not duplicating infrastructure as both types of schools are built in new suburban neighbourhoods.⁵

Michael Janz has no interest in fighting to abolish the Catholic system, but there are those who do. Albertan Parents for Unbiased Public Inclusive Learning (APUPIL) and their spokesperson, Luke Fevin, are against segregated religious education. The description on their Facebook group reads:

“A community & a resource for Albertan parents of all faiths & non-faiths that wish for the children of our communities to be educated equally & inclusively, without religious preference, segregation or exclusion.

 A group that recognizes the right of all humans to choose their faith and to practise it within the law, but that our childrens place of public education must be free of all religious bias so that all our children may be equally afforded the rights accorded to them through the Canadian Charter of Rights & Freedoms.”⁶

What is the counter-argument in favour of separate schools? Often the argument is that the fight is not worth having.⁷ Others argue that keeping Catholic schools is valuable to preserve choice in education, or to create competition.⁸ Sometimes giving people an environment that is steeped in their own religious tradition (or someone else’s religious tradition, to explore that culture) for school has value.⁹

Will Catholic School Boards remain separate in Alberta?  The tide is turning against separate schools. It is particularly difficult to justify separate schools  for one religious group, when the public system has demonstrated a willingness and ability to establish alternative programs for other groups who have not been granted the privilege of their own separate school system.

 

¹ Samantha Emann, “Canada’s Publicly Funded Religious Schools Have to Go,” Metro (14 March 2016), online: <http://www.metronews.ca/views/opinion/2016/03/14/canadas-publicly-funded-religious-schools-have-to-go.html>

² Constitution Act, 1867 (UK), 30 & 31 Vict, c 3, s 93, reprinted in RSC 1985, Appendix II, No 5.

³ Supra note 1.

⁴Paula Simons, “Public School Board Chairperson Stirs Pot With His Catholic Education Proposal”, Edmonton Journal (10 February 2017), online: <http://edmontonjournal.com/opinion/columnists/paula-simons-public-school-board-chairperson-stirs-pot-with-his-catholic-education-proposal>.

⁵ The Edmonton Journal Editorial Board, “No Need for Duplicate Catholic Education”, Edmonton Journal (8 February 2017), online: <http://edmontonjournal.com/opinion/editorials/editorial-no-need-for-duplicate-catholic-education>.

⁶ A PUPIL, “Description”, posted on A PUPIL - Alberta Parents for Unbiased Public Inclusive Learning, online: Facebook <https://www.facebook.com/groups/APUPIL/>.

⁷ Supra note 5.

⁸ David Climenhaga, “Advocates for More Choice in Education Unite to Condemn Public School Board Chair’s Call for More Choice in Education”, (10 February 2017), Albertapolitics.ca (blog), online: <http://albertapolitics.ca/2017/02/advocates-choice-education-unite-condemn-public-school-board-chairs-call-choice-education/>.

⁹ Supra note 4.

Someday We'll Find It, The Rainbow Connection

It is important to identify that none of the contributors to The Dominion self-identify as members of the LGBT community. We recognize that, today, we are writing about things that we haven't personally experienced and that our ability to competently write on this issue is limited. We also recognize that the abbreviation “LGBT” is considered by many to be incomplete. We have chosen to err on the side of simplicity and familiarity. It is not our intent to offend. We apologize for any shortcomings that appear below.

 

One might assume that LGBT rights in Canada were worse the further one delves back into our history. This would be incorrect. While LGBT rights in 1867 were nowhere near what they are today, it's important to note that things actually got a lot worse before they got better.

In 1867, there were “buggery” laws on the books,¹ and this crime was punishable by death in British North America. As abhorrent as this is, these were inherited laws from Great Britain and officials on this side of the pond simply didn't see fit to impose the punishment. While there were many people sentenced to death for this “crime,” there are no records of this sentence being carried out. Instead, the convicted were pardoned or had their sentences commuted.

As unjust as this position was, in 1948 the Criminal Code was amended to label gay men as “criminal sexual psychopaths”, as well as to provide for indeterminate prison sentences.² In the 1950s and 1960s, a pseudoscientific device known as the “fruit machine” was employed to identify gay men.  These men were deemed to be ineligible for government jobs, including the Canadian Forces and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police.³ This signified a low point for LGBT rights in Canada.

In 1968, Minister of Justice John Turner introduced The Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1968-69, an omnibus bill that decriminalized homosexuality.⁴ His predecessor, Pierre Trudeau, who had introduced an earlier version of the Bill, famously commented that “there's no place for the state in the bedrooms of the nation”.

Of course, mere decriminalization was insufficient, and systemic discrimination against LGBT people was still a problem. It still is, but things have started to get better. The advent of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms⁵ in 1982 brought forth important protection against discrimination for segments of the population that were identified as minority groups.⁶ Sexual orientation was NOT included.

It was not until 1995⁷ that the Supreme Court of Canada “read-in” sexual orientation to s. 15 of the Charter. In 1998⁸ the Court went a step further and ensured that provincial human rights statutes needed to be interpreted as if sexual orientation was deemed to be a prohibited ground for discrimination. This was held to be so, regardless of the intention of the provincial governments when crafting their legislation. The next year, the Court ruled on the landmark case M. v. H.⁹ allowing for same sex marriage in Canada, later resulting in the federal Civil Marriage Act¹⁰ which codified this right.

While these measures have undoubtedly improved life for gay, lesbian, and bisexual people the battle for equality has just begun for those with non-traditional gender expressions and identities. An Act to Amend the Canadian Human Rights Act and the Criminal Code is currently before Parliament to add protections from discrimination on these grounds.¹¹

Legislation is not enough. The systemic discrimination that has resulted in unfair treatment to these minority groups are not going to disappear by the mere stroke of a pen. While good law is indeed necessary, it is not sufficient.

To those of our readers in law school, legal professions, politics, and others who occupy positions of power or are going to in the future, consider this a call to arms. If our country is going to keep advancing against intolerance, we need to help lead the charge. We must decide how we are to use the influence that will invariably be entrusted to us, and we must do so fearlessly.

Intolerance and hate have dominated for far too long. For what it's worth, we're choosing love. We hope that you'll join us.

 

¹ Consolidated Statutes of Canada 1859, c 91, s 22.
² RSC 1927, c 36.
³ Gary W Kinsman, Dieter K Buse & Mercedes Steedman, Whose National Security?: Canadian State Surveillance and the Creation of Enemies (Canada: Between the Lines, 2000).
⁴ SC 1968-69, c 38.
⁵ Part I of the Constitution Act, 1982, being Schedule B to the Canada Act (UK), 1982, c 11 [Charter].
⁶ Ibid at s 15.
⁷ Egan v Canada, [1995] 2 SCR 513.
⁸ Vriend v Alberta, [1998] 1 SCR 493.
⁹ [1999] 2 SCR 3.
¹⁰ SC 2005, c 33.
¹¹ Bill C-16, An Act to Amend the Canadian Human Rights Act and the Criminal Code, 1st Sess, 42nd Parl, 2016.

Throwing it Back on Tuesday: People Edition

We continue our week examining cultural changes in Canada over the last 150 years with today’s discussion on Canadian demographics. Although the British North America Act does not directly relate to how diverse our population is, Canadian citizens elect politicians and leaders who influence our laws and political climate. As our social makeup changes, so do our values and, in turn, our laws. Today we focus on the people living in the country to understand how Confederation and today’s political climate evolved.

 

When we look back to 1867, Canada’s population looks strikingly different than it does today. Today, Canada prides itself on its multiculturalism and welcoming of immigrants. A flashback to the people of 1867 paints a much different picture. At the time of Confederation, 79% of the Canadian population were born in Canada.¹ The majority of the country’s population grew up with similar cultural and religious values, with Roman Catholicism and Protestants dominating all other religious beliefs.² These religions were so dominant early on in Canada’s formation that our own national anthem even features a reference to “God.” This has created some controversy recently as to whether our national anthem should be modified to reflect our changing social landscape with respect to individual religious views.

 

The immigrant population in 1867 was also widely different than current trends. The biggest immigrant group consisted of French settlers, with English, Welsh, Irish, and Scottish people also making their way to Canada.³ The immigration population at the time consisted of mainly Caucasian Europeans. The majority of these newcomers settled into Upper Canada at the time, with the rest mainly finding a home in Lower Canada.⁴ European immigrants certainly influenced Confederation in 1867, however Indigenous populations inhabited this land long before. By the year of Confederation, historians estimate that 100,000 to 125,000 Indigenous people were living in Canada.⁵

 

When we fast-forward to life in 2017, a much different picture of Canadian people exists. By 2006, Canada had reached an immigrant population of 6.2 million people, which equates to 19.8% of the entire population.⁶ If current trends continue, the immigrant population by the end of 2017 is expected to reach nearly 22% of the population.⁷ Although the percentage of immigrants has remained relatively stable around 20% since Confederation, their origins have become more diverse. Today, immigrants come from every continent in the world, the majority of which are of Asian descent, not European.⁸ With the increase in immigrants, the country has seen a surge in the number of unique languages, cultures, and religions. Specifically, Chinese immigrants have become the leading visible minority group, accounting for roughly 1 million people throughout the country.⁹ Indigenous populations have also substantially grown since Canada’s creation. The 2011 national census reports, that 1,400,685 people (4.3% of the population), consider themselves Aboriginal and over 60 Indigenous languages exist.¹⁰

 

Religion has also changed within the last 150 years. Roman Catholicism is still the most widely practiced religion throughout Canada, representing 38.7% of the entire population.¹¹ While Roman Catholicism continues to have a widespread following, it is not as dominant as it was during Confederation. Further, a variety of new religions are currently practiced throughout the country. Islam, Hinduism, Sikhism, and Buddhism are now common throughout Canada, with 7.2% of Canada's population reporting practicing one of these.¹² The increase in religious diversity is likely the reason some Canadians believe the inclusion of word “God” in our national anthem is no longer appropriate as it tends to connote a Christian reference.

 

Canada is becoming a more diverse place. In 2017, it is hard to pinpoint whom a Canadian is or what they might look or sound like.

 

 

¹ Statistics Canada, “Canadian Statistics in 1867”, (Ottawa: Statistics Canada, 2009), online: </www65.statcan.gc.ca/acyb07/acyb07_0002-eng.htm>.

² Ibid.

³ Ibid.

⁴ Ibid.

⁵ Laura Aylsworth & Frank Trovato, “Demography of Indigenous People” (1 February 2012), The Canadian Encyclopedia, online <www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/aboriginal-people-demography/>.

⁶ Statistics Canada, “Some facts about the demographic and ethnocultural composition of the population”, (Ottawa, Statistics Canada, 2008), online: <www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/91-003-x/2007001/4129904-eng.htm#2>.

⁷ Ibid.

⁸ Ibid.

⁹ Ibid.

¹⁰ Aylsworth & Trovato, supra note 5.

¹¹ Statistics Canada, “2011 National Household Survey: Immigration, place of birth, citizenship, ethnic origin, visible minorities, language and religion”, (Ottawa: Statistics Canada, 2011), online: <www.statcan.gc.ca/daily-quotidien/130508/dq130508b-eng.htm>.

¹² Ibid.

 

Thomas D'Arcy McGee, Creator of Canadian Identity

Canada is a nation of nations, bringing people of many cultures together from all across the world. Multiculturalism was formally recognized as a vital part of Canadian life and identity by Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau in 1971.¹ Despite this relatively recent formal recognition, multiculturalism  has been essential to our country from the very beginning. Writings by Thomas D’Arcy McGee, one of the Fathers of Confederation, mention the topic as early as the 1850s.

McGee was born in Ireland in 1825. He began careers in publishing and politics as a radical, pushing for Irish independence from The United Kingdom. This radicalism forced McGee to flee the country in 1848, first moving to the United States, and eventually settling down in Montreal in 1857.²

As he aged, McGee mellowed. He changed to what one biographer refers to as an “extreme moderate”.³ He found a Canada (at the time only referring to to Ontario and Quebec, then administered as a single province along the St. Lawrence and Great Lakes) divided, with infighting between English and Scottish Protestants on one side and French Catholics on the other. Irish Catholics and other minorities did not fit in with either side. McGee wrote from an immigrant perspective, viewing a mixing of cultures and immigration as a strength in Canada.  He considered this multi-cultural formation something from which we could build a shared identity.⁴ He called for the construction of “a new northern nationality” built on that mixing of cultures.⁵ He also wrote favourably about the difference between Canada and the United States.⁶

McGee sidestepped partisan politics, sitting with the Reformers, Conservatives, and as an independent during his time in elected office. He was a delegate at the Charlottetown and Quebec Conferences in 1864,⁷ and was instrumental in negotiating the settlement of issues regarding religion and language in education.⁸ This agreement gave power over education to the provinces while enshrining minority religious and language rights, and is found in s 93 of the British North America Act.⁹

Irish secessionists known as Fenians were becoming a powerful political group in The United States. McGee opposed their radicalism, especially when they attempted an invasion of Canada in 1866. This was a great change from his younger self, showing more maturity and an acceptance of the British Crown, assuming a certain amount of autonomy for local governments. He was murdered in 1868, most likely by a Fenian operative. Thomas D’Arcy McGee, someone who had lived to unite Canada, became the first political assassination victim in the history of our country.¹⁰

¹Canadian Museum of Immigration at Pier 21, “Canadian Multiculturalism Policy, 1971” (2016), online: <http://www.pier21.ca/research/immigration-history/canadian-multiculturalism-policy-1971>.

²“Thomas D’Arcy McGee” in The Quebec History Encyclopedia, online: <http://faculty.marianopolis.edu/c.belanger/quebechistory/encyclopedia/ThomasDArcyMcGee-HistoryofCanada.htm>.

³Jeffrey Simpson, “Thomas D’Arcy McGee - The Man Who Saw Beyond Confederation”, The Globe and Mail, (13 April 2013), online: <www.theglobeandmail.com>.

⁴Josephine Phelan, “D’Arcy McGee’s Poetry; Its Place in his Biography”, (1957) CCHA, Report, 24 , at 38, online: <http://www.umanitoba.ca/colleges/st_pauls/ccha/Back%20Issues/CCHA1957/Phelan.pdf>.

⁵“Thomas D’Arcy McGee”, supra note 2.

⁶Phelan, supra note 4, at 31.

⁷“Thomas D’Arcy McGee”, supra note 2.

⁸Simpson, supra note 3.

⁹Constitution Act, 1867 (UK), 30 & 31 Vict, c 3, s 93, reprinted in RSC 1985, Appendix II, No 5.

¹⁰“Thomas D’Arcy McGee”, supra note 2.

 

Goodbye Deirdre, Hello Allison!

We are excited to introduce our newest member of the team, Allison Numerow. She will be attempting to replace the irreplaceable Deirdre Fleming as the fifth member of the Law and Social Media team. Allison is a second-year student here at the University of Alberta Faculty of Law. As a 20-something born into the age of technology, she is eager to use social media to connect readers to topics relevant to the Constitution and to continue to develop her research and writing skills. She’s excited to join the other bloggers and bring you thought-provoking and creative posts every day!

Born and raised in Calgary, Allison left Texas of the North when she turned 18 to attend McGill University. There she achieved a Bachelor of Arts in Psychology. During her four years in Montreal, she worked in two music cognition laboratories, running experiments on willing victims… I mean students. She conducted experiments on both how babies respond to musical stimuli and dance, as well as the effects that different types of music had on neutral visual stimuli. Outside of classes Allison was a member of a pop music a cappella ensemble because she wanted her life to resemble Pitch Perfect (and still does!).

In the final year of her degree, Allison realized that her education would, of course, require more education. Hence, after graduation she found herself at U of A Law. Allison used her first year at the U of A to educate herself both on the law as well as contemporary issues in the legal world. As she soon discovered, Constitutional Law was her favourite class. Law and Social Media provides a platform for Allison to explore the Constitution and its impact on current issues, evolving case law, and other relevant topics. As a classically trained singer and Harry Potter “nerd”, she is excited to combine her interests with the Constitution. This semester, she will explore popular music from 1867, as well as the potential constitutional issues in some of the laws of the magical wizarding world, to name a few. She will also explore other important and up-and-coming topics including drones and Dolly the Sheep.

When she isn’t watching the Bachelor, Allison is busy working on her colour-by-numbers colouring book. Her friends and family say she’s too old for such hobbies, but she insists that when you have no artistic ability, creative assistance is necessary.

How To Think Like A Lawyer for 1Ls and Up: Existential Questions and Casuistry*

*in its original, non-pejorative meaning: "The resolving of moral problems by the application of theoretical rules."

 

see https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/casuistry

 

There is supposed to be humour in what you'll read below. It is also an example of the analytical approach you will have to learn in order to analyze questions of law.  There were at least 3 qualified lawyer types, and a gaggle of PHDs from various disciplines, involved in the discussions relating to these deep existential questions.

 

 

City v Scholar

For those of  you enjoying your well-earned holiday vacation. March 1601 wasn't that long ago, from the sequoias and redwoods perspective; even some oaks.

From "The Workhouse:  The Story of an Institution"  http://www.workhouses.org.uk/Oxford/

Robert Phillis, weaver, shall be delivered unto him twenty powndes towards the settling on worcke in spynning of lynnen and in carding and sorting of wollen with the cytty and suburbes, wherein specyall regard must bee had that the idle and loytring sort be sett on workce, and yf they refuse and doe their worcke amysse, that they be punnyshed by whipping

That probably wouldn't work under today's labour laws in Canada. 

1601 is an important year in UK social history: "... the 1601 Act for the Relief of the Poor has come to be regarded as a milestone in British social legislation. It created the framework for poor relief in England that was to last until ... [1834]."

See http://www.workhouses.org.uk/poorlaws/1601intro.shtml

But, in any event, the "idle and loytring sort" mentioned in the except would never have been the University of Oxford scholar seated in, for example, the Christ Church Meadow or an All Souls Quad ceaselessly contemplating the eternal ineffable. That scholar couldn't, officially, have been an earlier version of me for long stretches in Oxford's history:see http://www.jstor.org/stable/29777111

That's part of a story for another day, part of which is hinted at by the name of part of path along Merton College's south wall: "Dead Man's Walk.

 

War: what is it good for? Independence

Dear Honoured Readers,

For the remainder of this week, The Dominion commemorates Remembrance Day, this Friday, with noteworthy Canadian military topics. Today, we discuss how Canada’s international military action is tied to independence.

Section 15 of the BNA Act states that “The Command-in-Chief of the Land and Naval Militia, and of all Naval and Military Forces, of and in Canada, is hereby declared to continue and be vested in the Queen.” This provision was adopted at patriation in 1982, which explains why Canada’s military still bears royal nomenclature. For example, our navy is the Royal Canadian Navy and our ships are designated H.M.C.S., for Her Majesty’s Canadian Ship.

At the time of Confederation, Britain intended to utilize Canadian soldiers for Britain’s international war efforts, but Canada was not always on board. For example, the South African War, which lasted from 1899 to 1902, was contentious for some Canadians who did not support Canada’s involvement. Prime Minister Sir Wilfrid Laurier recognized that entering this war would risk “national stability and political popularity.”[1] Still, the government of Canada gave their loyal support as British subjects.

Canada started to develop and pay for its own permanent defence force from 1871 to 1883.[2] Between 1850 and 1920, several Militia Acts gave the Parliament of Canada official control over military forces. However, Canadian forces were still commanded by British officers.[3] As a British colony, Canada was obligated to follow Britain into war in 1914. Sir Wilfrid Laurier and Prime Minister Robert Borden publicly pledged their support for the “Mother Country” as World War I began.[4] Public national support for Britain’s effort in the war was a humble, respectful gesture to Britain, especially considering that Canada and Britain had argued over military funding.[5]

Canadian troops gave remarkable efforts in western Europe, most notably at Ypres, Regina Trench, Vimy Ridge, Passchendaele, and Mons.[6] Even though Canada was officially “a mere extension” of Britain in the war, the Canadian troops were separate and distinct from their British allies.[7] World powers took note of Canadians who fought hard and who lost their lives. At the beginning of the war, Canada’s military was led by British command. By the end of the war in 1918, a Canadian officer commanded our troops.

This transition was a landmark to distinguish Canada’s nationhood as separate from Britain. As a direct result of success on the battlefields and of sacrifices made by Canadian soldiers, Canada insisted on its own signature on the 1918 Peace Treaty.[8] This signified to Britain and other world powers that Canada was emerging from its subordinated colonial place in world politics to being viewed as an equal, developing their own independent foreign policy.

In 1922, Parliament passed the National Defence Act, amalgamating the naval services, the militia, and the air defence, creating the Department of National Defence in 1923.[9] The Statute of Westminster gave Canada independence to decide on matters of national defence and overseas war.[10] When Britain and France declared war on Germany, Canada quickly followed, but Parliament ensured that the decision to enter was solely Canada’s pledge to aid allies, rather than follow along with Britain’s war policies.

We hope you’ll join us each day this week as we continue to pay homage to fallen soldiers, sailors, airmen, and airwomen.

Respectfully,

The Dominion

 

[1] “Canada and the South African War, 1899-1902”, Canadian War Museum, online: <www.warmuseum.ca/cwm/exhibitions/boer/boerwarhistory_e.shtml>.  

[2] “Creating a Standing Army”, Canadian War Museum, online: <www.warmuseum.ca/cwm/exhibitions/chrono/1774standing_e.shtml> [Standing Army]; “Military Reform”, Canadian War Museum, online: <www.warmuseum.ca/cwm/exhibitions/chrono/1774reform_e.shtml>.

[3] Standing Army, supra note 2.

[4] “Canada Enters the War”, Veterans Affairs Canada, online: <www.veterans.gc.ca/eng/remembrance/history/first-world-war/canada/Canada3>.

[5] “Militia Acts”, The Canadian Encyclopedia, online: http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/militia-acts/

[6] “The Aftermath”, Veterans Affairs Canada, online: <www.veterans.gc.ca/eng/remembrance/history/first-world-war/canada/canada19> [Aftermath].

[7] Ibid.

[8] Ibid.

[9] “Department of National Defence”, The Canadian Encyclopedia, online: <www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/department-of-national-defence>.

[10] “About Canada’s Role in World War II”, Canadian Battlefields Foundation, online: <www.cbf-fccb.ca/learn/about-canadas-role-in-wwii/>; 1931 (UK), 22 Geo V, c 4, reprinted in RSC 1985, Appendix II, No 27.

Breaking Bad Brexit News: Ms May May Not, At Least Not Yet

 

The UK QB ruled unanimously (3-0) this fine English morning that the Tory gov’t cannot use the Crown’s prerogative to initiate the UK’s withdrawal from the EU. The decision to withdraw or not – the decision whether to give notice under the applicable EU treaty – is for Parliament to make, not the party in power in Parliament; aka the “gov’t” or the Crown.

[111] for the reasons we have set out, we hold the Secretary of State does not have power under the Crown’s prerogative to give notice pursuant to Article 50 of the TEU for the United Kingdom to withdraw from the European Union.

R (Miller) v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union 2016 EWHC 2768 (Admin)

see http://www.bailii.org/ew/cases/EWHC/Admin/2016/2768.pdf

A spokesperson from the Crown – or UK gov’t – or the Tory party, pick your poison, announced, as one might expect, that the decision will be appealed.

 A speaker, yesterday, at a lecture I attended, used the line Henry 2 v Henry 8 line to describe the possible results, saying that, of course, the decision wouldn’t be put quite that way. Under that description, the score is now H8 2, H2 1 at the end of the 2nd period. As much as I’d love to be able to claim it, it’s not my concoction.

In a “I’m not sure how it’s related but he’ll eventually grope towards an explanation development”, Donald Trump’s campaign spokestwitter has twittted that the Donald, hisself, blames “this tragic interference by unelected, wig wearing, black dress wearing elites with the will of the true representatives of the pure wool people in the United Kingdom on ‘Crooked Hillary’" and that he and Vladamir Putin remain ready, willing, and able to assist the British people in the protection of their "precious bodily fluids".

In the audio version of the twit, it's possible to hear what sounds like goats an and sheep in the background.

In Scotland, substitute "water of life" for precious bodily fluids, even if it's (shudder) Laphroiag.