University of Alberta Faculty of Law Blog

IBA Reflections: BC First Nations Justice Strategy

Tansi Nîtôtemtik, 

 

The Indigenous Bar Association conference, themed “Disrupted Systems”, wrapped up its second day on Friday with a stacked set of speakers, performers, and panels. This year’s conference featured important discussions about the state of the Canadian legal system and profession; systemic racism and inequity; practicing law and ceremony during a pandemic; new child welfare laws; incredible drum, flute and song performances; and more turtlenecks than we have ever seen at a single event.  This week, we will share some highlights of the conference before we jump back into evaluating the TRC Calls to Action in healthcare. 

(Illustration: “Meta” by Jason Sweeney)

 

Today, we will discuss the BC First Nations Justice Strategy as presented by Chief Doug White, Chair of the BC First Nations Justice Council.^[1] Signed in March of 2020, the Strategy was jointly developed with the BC government to reform the current legal system, address its harms against Indigenous people, and restore Indigenous legal structures.^[2]  

 

The numbers presented by Chief White were staggering, but not surprising for anyone who has been paying attention. Across Canada, First Nations, Metis and Inuk people make up around 5% of the total population, but a disproportionate 30% of Canada’s incarcerated population.^[3]   For women and girls, the figures are even more alarming. Forty-two percent of all incarcerated women are Indigenous, and 60% of all girls in custody are Indigenous.^[4] Indigenous people are also overrepresented as victims of crime, and underrepresented in roles of authority and responsibility.^[5]  

(Image: Office of the Correctional Investigator. (2020, January 21). Indigenous People in Federal Custody Surpasses 30%. Correctional Investigator Issues Statement and Challenge. https://www.oci-bec.gc.ca/cnt/comm/press/press20200121-eng.aspx)

 

Chief White attributes the worsening impact of the legal system on Indigenous people in BC to a variety of factors, including: 

• improper implementation of the Gladue principles in sentencing, 
• poor access to legal representation, 
• defunding of Legal Aid and Native Community Law Offices,

 as well as over-policing and under protection by police, as has been shown in reports like the AJI, RCAP, TRC and MMWIG.^[6]  

 

After the agreement to develop the Joint Strategy in 2017, a two year consultation and engagement process followed.^[7] During that time, BC did not wait to begin making changes. Funding was immediately increased to improve access to Gladue reports at sentencing and bail hearings, and to begin establishing a network of 15 Indigenous justice centers to provide legal services for criminal, family and child protection matters.^[8]  

 

The 25 strategies outlined in the Joint Strategy are based on 4 pillars: Core Values; Structures and Processes;  Roles, Responsibilities and Capacities; and Laws and Policies ^[9]  Within each of the strategies are clear lines of action for implementation. However, many of those lines of action simply state that an action plan must be developed.^[10]  

 

The emphasis that the BC strategy places on Indigenous-led justice and community-based programming is promising, as is the focus on reforming the current justice model to incorporate more Indigenous perspectives. Team ReconciliAction will be watching the progress in BC as the province embarks on this joint process led by the BC First Nations Justice Council, and is looking forward to the impact of the new strategies on the Indigenous people who shared those lands with settlers. If the BC strategy is successful, we hope to see the other provinces in Canada adopting principles that restore First Nations legal orders and structures within their borders.

Until Next Time,

Team ReconciliAction YEG

 

¹ Chief Doug White, BC First Nations Justice Strategy (Indigenous Bar Association Conference: Disrupted Systems, 2020).

² BC First Nations Justice Council, BC First Nations Justice Strategy (British Columbia, 2020) online: https://www.bcafn.ca/sites/default/files/docs/news/First_Nations_Justice_Strategy_Feb_2020.pdf at 3.

³ Chief Doug White, supra note 1; See also Office of the Correctional Investigator Government of Canada, “Indigenous People in Federal Custody Surpasses 30% - Correctional Investigator Issues Statement and Challenge - Office of the Correctional Investigator”, (16 April 2020), online: <https://www.oci-bec.gc.ca/cnt/comm/press/press20200121-eng.aspx>.

⁴ Chief Doug White, supra note 1; See also The Native Women’s Association of Canada (NAWC), “Number of Incarcerated Indigenous Women at New High”, First Nations Drum Newspaper (22 January 2020), online: <http://www.firstnationsdrum.com/2020/01/number-of-incarcerated-indigenous-women-at-new-high/>.

⁵ BC First Nations Justice Council, supra note 2 at 20–22.

⁶ Chief Doug White, supra note 1.

⁷ BC First Nations Justice Council, supra note 2 at 8.

⁸ Chief Doug White, supra note 1.

⁹ BC First Nations Justice Council, supra note 2 at 5.

¹⁰ BC First Nations Justice Council, supra note 2 at 27, 28, 29, 31, 32, 38, 40, 48, 49, 51.

5 Years After TRC: Indigenous Languages Act

 

(Artwork by Monique Aura Bedard)

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

 

Today we continue our evaluation of reconciliation in language and culture with Calls to Action #13, #14 & #15.  Call #13 demands that the government explicitly acknowledge language rights as Aboriginal rights, while Call #14 & #15 calls for federal language legislation and a Commissioner’s office dedicated to Indigenous language revitalization and preservation.^[1] 

 

In the late 1800s, Indian Commissioner Hayter Reed suggested that the “native language is only to be used as a vehicle of teaching and should be discontinued as such as soon as practicable”.^[2] This rhetoric meant that children in residential schools would be prohibited from speaking their language both in and out of school. In 1903, the principal of the residential school in Red Deer, Alberta was reprimanded for the prevalence of the Cree language in the school.^[3] The inspector called it a “serious drawback”, and “an evidence of bad discipline”.^[4] Punishments for children speaking in their own tongue included closely cropped haircuts, hitting, strapping, or being forced to eat soap.^[5] This had long-lasting impacts on language use even after attitudes about Indigenous languages in the schools began to change in the 1960s. Parents decided not to teach their children to speak their own language, or warned them against speaking it at school.^[6]  As stated by Toronto linguistic rights lawyer David Leitch, no “other cultural group in Canada has been subject to a state-sponsored attempt to eradicate its language.”^[7]

 

(Artwork by Avis Charley)

 

Indigenous language is protected under the broad language of section 35 of the Constitution, but this protection has been a negative right - as in the government may not interfere with Indigenous language revitalization or preservation.^[8]  This is nice, but given that the purpose of the residential school system was assimilation through the destruction of Indigenous culture and language perhaps this right should be a positive one - as in the government is responsible for funding and supporting initiatives that revitalize and preserve Indigenous languages.  This was the position of Lorena Fontaine, an assistant professor at the University of Winnipeg, and David Leitch, who were in the midst of preparing a constitutional challenge on Indigenous language rights in education when Prime Minister Trudeau announced that Canada would co-develop Indigenous language legislation with Indigenous groups.^[9] 

 

The Indigenous Languages Act came into force on June 21, 2019, and formally recognizes Indigenous languages as rights under section 35 of the Constitution.^[10]  It also directly responds to Article 13 of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which states that “Indigenous peoples have the right to revitalize…and transmit to future generations their…languages” and that “[s]tates shall take effective measures to ensure this right is protected”.^[11]

 

Indigenous languages are currently endangered, some languages more critically than others. At the recent Métis Nation Engagement Session for the implementation of the Indigenous Languages Act, it was noted that there are very few Michif speakers under the age of 65.^[12]  In addition, these speakers are becoming more isolated from other Michif speakers and losing the ability to practice their language.^[13] The need for investment into reviving the Michif language is urgent. 

 

While Michif is one of the more critically endangered of Indigenous languages spoken in Canada, each language will require a distinct approach to revitalization and preservation. This means that language revitalization is best managed by the communities who speak those languages, and that funding models must take into account the diversity of these languages and distinctive needs of language keepers.^[14]  The Act acknowledges the need for Indigenous-led language management and the need for a distinctions based approach.^[15]

 

To go along with the new legislation, the federal government has allocated additional funding in the amount of $333.7 million over five years, beginning in 2019, and $115.7 million per year on an ongoing basis beginning in the fiscal year of 2023-2024 to support Indigenous languages and implementation of the Act.^[16] Canada has also committed to creating a Commissioner’s Office of Indigenous Languages to help facilitate the effective implementation of the Act, promote and support Indigenous language programming and initiatives, as well as carry out research and evaluation on Indigenous languages.

 

At a surface level Canada has met Calls # 13, #14 & #15, however, there is no breakdown on how funds will be allocated and little commitment to any positive duty other than long-term sustainable funding. This forces communities to compete for funding and maintains too much colonial control over the allocation of a set block of funds. Team ReconciliAction gives Canada a passing- but not perfect- grade on these Calls to Action.

That concludes our review of the Calls to Action relating to Language and Culture, stay tuned tomorrow for a discussion on the Center for Constitutional Studies Charter Series discussion on prevailing law between the Charter and the Vuntut Gwitchin Constitution!

Until next time, 

Team ReconciliAction

 

¹ Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. (Ottawa: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015) at 321.

² Ibid at 80.

³ Ibid at 81.

⁴ Ibid.

⁵ Ibid at 81–83.

⁶ Ibid at 84.

⁷ David Leitch, “Canada’s Native Languages: The Right of First Nations to Educate Their Children in Their Own Languages” (2006) 15:3 Const Forum Const 107 at 111.

⁸ Karen Drake, “Language Rights as Aboriginal Rights: From Words to Action” in Kiera L Ladner & Myra J Tait, Surviving Canada: Indigenous Peoples Celebrate 150 Years of Betrayal (Winnipeg: ARP Books, 2017).

⁹ Nicola Luksic, “Constitutional challenge looks to revive aboriginal languages”, CBC News (10 April 2016), online: <https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/aboriginal-language-constitution-1.3525982>; Justin Trudeau, Prime Minister of Canada, “Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s Speech to the Assembly of First Nations Special Chiefs Assembly”, (6 December 2016), online: Prime Minister of Canada <https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/speeches/2016/12/06/prime-minister-justin-trudeaus-speech-assembly-first-nations-special>.

¹⁰ Indigenous Languages Act, 21 June 2019, SC 2019, c 23 [Indigenous Languages Act], s 6.

¹¹ Ibid, Preamble, s 5(g); United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, GA Res 295, UNGAOR, 61st Sess, Supp No 49, UN Doc A/ RES/61/295, 46 ILM 1013 (2007), Article 13 [UNDRIP].

¹² Sharon Parenteau, Louis Riel Institute & David Morin, Gabriel Dumont Institute, Métis Nation Engagement on the Implementation of the Indigenous Languages Act: Summary of the 2017-18 Engagement (Canada, 2020).

¹³ Ibid.

¹⁴ Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, supra note 1 at 321.

¹⁵ Indigenous Languages Act, 21 June 2019, SC 2019, c 23 [Indigenous Languages Act], s 45(2).

¹⁶ MNC, Métis Nation Engagement on the Implementation of the Indigenous Languages Act: Participant Guide (Canada, 2020) at 10.

IBA 2020 Reflections: The Honorable David Lametti on Achieving Justice

Tansi Nîtôtemtik, 

 

Thank you for tuning in for our reflections this week.  The IBA conference is a yearly highlight for so many, and we are grateful to the Faculty administration for sponsoring our attendance so that we may share the highlights with our readers. 

 

(Artwork: Bradly Wohlgemuth in Katerina Tefft, “Canadian justice system failing Aboriginal people”, (13 August 2013), online: The Manitoban <http://www.themanitoban.com/2013/08/canadian-justice-system-failing-aboriginal-people/15822/>)

 

Today’s post will reflect on the Achieving Justice for Indigenous Peoples in Canada presentation given by Canada’s Attorney General and Minister of Justice, The Honorable David Lametti.  It was nice to see Minister Lametti speak on the topic of Justice and Indigenous people, and engage directly with the Indigenous legal community on how to improve the current system.  

 

The Canadian Justice system has historically been oppressive to Indigenous people, from the creation of the Mounted Police for the purpose of driving Indigenous people onto reserves, to the problems created by over policing, lack of non-police services, and the continued over-representation of Indigenous people in the justice system.^[1]  In some provinces, an Indigenous male is more likely to be incarcerated then he is to finish high school.^[2]  The government has long been aware of the issues faced by Indigenous people in the justice system, even if we only look to such touchstone reports as Manitoba’s Aboriginal Justice Inquiry (AJI), the report of the Royal Commision on Aboriginal People (RCAP) and the final report of the TRC.^[3]  Through these reports,formal solutions and recommendations for improving the justice system for Indigenous people have been under discussion for over 30 years, which makes it all that much more disheartening to hear the Minister state that the problem of over-representation is getting worse, and not better.  This is a system that has been likened to a continuation of the horrific residential school system, and we cannot continue to discuss it without change for another 30 years.^[4]  

 

The Minister acknowledged systemic racism, and mentioned the need for reconciliation. Much of Minister Lametti’s presentation discussed diversifying the judicial bench at federal levels of court. He echoed his earlier calls from the September 2020 Diversity on the Bench forum, and encouraged IBA attendees to apply for judicial appointment.^[5] But perhaps the problem behind a lack of Indigenous applicants lies more with the broken system than Minister Lametti was willing to acknowledge.  The application process is an onerous one, and the historic profile of the judiciary is well - monochrome. Martha Jackman, a law professor at the University of Ottawa, and co-chair of the National Association of Women and the Law (NAWL) believes that many people self select out of the application process with the “probably accurate” belief that they won’t be appointed.^[6]  In addition, the requirement of both French and English fluency at the Supreme Court of Canada level is a barrier for Indigenous applicants who may well be “functionally bilingual”, but in their own language instead of French.^[7]  

 

A key moment during the talk came when former IBA president Koren Lightning-Earle posed a question to Minister Lametti about this bilingual criteria as a barrier to the appointment of Indigenous jurists. In a disappointing response, the Minister spoke to “tight word limits” and the need for lawyers to “plead in those two languages without the need of a translator” before stating that those with a goal of reaching the SCC should “begin learning [to speak] in either French or English”.^[8]  This statement ignores the deep and lasting effects of colonialism on Indigenous people, and is not reconciliatory in tone.  As one attendee pointed out, spoken French recalls traumatic memories of residential schooling for members of their family.  Team ReconciliAction is alive to the significance of both English and French languages in Canadian culture.  But Indigenous languages are the first languages spoken on this land. If Canada truly wants to reconcile and improve Cananda-Indigenous relations, Indigenous languages should be welcomed into colonial systems as an accepted form of bilingualism.

 

In the end, our takeaways from this session were as follows:

• Canada is keenly aware of the issues faced by Indigenous people in the justice system; and 
• Canada knows that the judiciary lacks Indigenous representation; and
• Canada can say many of the right words, like systemic racism, achieving justice, addressing reconciliation, diversity on the bench etc; but
• Canada isn’t willing to disrupt the colonial system to create meaningful change for Indigenous people at this time. 

 

We are grateful that we were able to be present for this discussion and we give our thanks to the engaged conference attendees who asked thoughtful and deliberate questions of the Minister and expected meaningful responses. We left Day 1 of the 2020 IBA conference hungry for Day 2 on October 23.  Stay tuned for tomorrow’s reflection on Advocacy in the Pandemic. 

 

Until next time, 

Team ReconciliAction

 

 

¹ Public Inquiry into the Administration of Justice and Aboriginal People, Report of the Aboriginal Justice Inquiry of Manitoba. Volume 1: The Justice System and Aboriginal People (Winnipeg: Province of Manitoba, 1991) [AJI]; See also Canada, Bridging the cultural divide: a report on Aboriginal people and criminal justice in Canada, Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (Ottawa: The Commission, 1996) [RCAP];Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (Ottawa: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015) [TRC Summary]; Office of the Correctional Investigator Government of Canada, "Indigenous People in Federal Custody Surpasses 30% - Correctional Investigator Issues Statement and Challenge - Office of the Correctional Investigator", (16 April 2020), online: <https://www.oci-bec.gc.ca/cnt/comm/press/press20200121-eng.aspx>.

² Saskatchewan Human Rights Commission, Courageous Conversations: Engaging Citizens in Conversations that Matter, Chief Commissioner D. Arnot (Saskatchewan: Concentus Citizenship Education Foundation Inc., 2016).

³ AJI, supra note 1; TRC Summary, supra note 1; RCAP, supra note 1.

⁴ Nancy Macdonald, “Canada’s prisons are the ‘new residential schools’”, Maclean’s Canada (18 February 2016), online: <https://www.macleans.ca/news/canada/canadas-prisons-are-the-new-residential-schools/>.

⁵ John Schofield, “Federal justice minister invites diverse communities to make judicial applications”, The Lawyers Daily (18 September 2020), online: <https://www.cbabc.org/News-Media/News/2020/Federal-justice-minister-invites-diverse-communiti>.

⁶ Dale Smith, “Overcoming the diversity deficit on federal courts”, CBA National Magazine (14 October 2020), online: <http://www.nationalmagazine.ca/en-ca/articles/law/judiciary/2020/overcoming-the-diversity-deficit-on-federal-courts>.

⁷ Peter Zimonjic, “Functionally bilingual requirement for Supreme Court justices here to stay, says Wilson-Raybould”, (24 October 2016), online: CBC News <https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/rowe-campbell-wilson-raybould-supreme-court-1.3819210>.

⁸ The Honorable David Lametti, Achieving Justice for Indigenous Peoples in Canada (Indigenous Bar Association Conference, Canada, 2020).

Joyce Echaquan: Death by Racism

 

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

 

Our schedule this week includes evaluations of Calls to Action #6 through #12, which focus on reconciliation as it relates to education. However, recent events have necessitated we pause this work for today. 

(Image Credit: THE CANADIAN PRESS/Paul Chiasson)

Last week, an Indigenous mother of seven filmed her final moments from a hospital bed. Joyce Echaquan pleaded for help while the nursing staff made cruel and racist remarks about her.^[1]  This woman was treated as contemptible and worthless by the medical staff charged with her care.  Joyce died of complications from hospital-administered morphine shortly after she live-streamed her inhumane treatment.^[2]

 

Today, we honor Joyce and bring attention to the gap in adequate healthcare for Indigenous people. Joyce was an Atikamekw woman from the Manawan Reserve community in central Quebec.^[3] She was 37 years old, and a mother to seven children ranging from 7 months old to 19 years old.^[4] Her seven children and bereaved husband are left to pick up the pieces after her entirely preventable death. 

 

The notion that Indigenous people experience difficulty in receiving necessary health care is not new. For her part, Joyce had struggled with heart health for some time, and had often expressed fear of the hospital.^[5]  Joyce is not the first Indigenous person in Canada to die needlessly in the care of our health systems due to systemic and ingrained racism. In 2008, Brian Sinclair died of a treatable bladder infection after being ignored in a waiting room for 34 hours.^[6]  In 2016, Elder Hugh Papik had a stroke, but  was dismissed as drunk by hospital staff, and later died.^[7] In 1988, Katie Ross died of an untreated gunshot wound while strapped to the hospital bed, after medical staff failed to properly assess her and diagnosed her with anxiety.^[8] Today we ask what is Canada doing to ensure that all Canadians have access to the same standard of care?

 

Canada has a serious data deficit when it comes to collecting accurate, up-to-date and complete data on health outcomes for First Nations, Métis and Inuit.^[9] We do know that health indicators like infant mortality, life expectancy, and access to health services lag behind for Indigenous people in comparison to non-Indigenous people.^[10] We also have horrific and extreme accounts of racism in healthcare experienced by Indigenous people - including forced sterilization in the prairie provinces as recently as 2018.^[11]

 

TRC Call to Action #24 calls for training for health care professionals to combat racism and understand the effects of the legacy of colonialism on Indigenous people.^[12]  As we will show in a few weeks, this type of training has been implemented in various forms across Canada.^[13] Outside of the TRC, other reports have been released addressing inequity in healthcare. In Quebec where Joyce sought medical care, the Viens Report issued 142 Calls to Action specific to the Quebec health care system and its treatment of Indigenous people.^[14] 

 

Despite the action taken to date, in September 2020, Joyce Echaquan died in hospital of racism. Following her death, the Premier of Quebec denied any issue of systemic racism.^[15] Sit with that for a second—the Premier flatly ignored the 488 page Viens Report and its 142 Calls to Action that target Quebec’s racism problem. Straight up denial is right out of the tired, old, racist playbook. It is tragic that Joyce’s husband and children would probably have welcomed her home after being treated in hospital if it weren’t for racism. It is unacceptable that in 2020 Joyce’s necessary medical care was ignored because of racism. 

 

Today we honor the life of Joyce Echaquan, who should still be with us today.  We support the protestors in Quebec who joined the Justice for Joyce march this past Saturday.  Most of all, we mourn along with Joyce’s seven children and her husband at the untimely loss of their mother and wife. 

(Image Credit: Global News)

A Go Fund Me has been organized for the care of Joyce’s seven children, if you would like to contribute you can do so here.  

 

Tomorrow we will return to our evaluation of TRC Call to Action #6.

 

Until Next Time,

 

Team ReconciliAction YEG

 

 

¹ We will not be providing a source for this video, as ReconciliAction does not support the plague of voyeurism of BIPOC death.

² Jesse Feith, “Indigenous woman records slurs by hospital staff before her death”, (30 September 2020), online: Montreal Gazette <https://montrealgazette.com/news/local-news/indigenous-woman-who-died-at-joliette-hospital-had-recorded-staffs-racist-comments>.

³ Kristy Kirkup & Tu Thanh Ha, “Indigenous woman records slurs, taunts of Quebec hospital staff before her death”, The Globe and Mail (29 September 2020), online: <https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-indigenous-woman-records-slurs-taunts-of-quebec-hospital-staff-before/>.

⁴ Ibid.

⁵ Jesse Feith, supra note 2

⁶ Jane Gerster, “A man was ignored to death in an ER 10 years ago. It could happen again”, (21 September 2018), online: Global News <https://globalnews.ca/news/4445582/brian-sinclair-health-care-racism/>.

⁷ “Review into Hugh Papik’s death calls for cultural training for health care workers”, (27 February 2017), online: CBC News <https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/north/hugh-papik-aklavik-stroke-death-review-recommendations-1.4001279>.

⁸ Heather I Peters & Bruce Self, “Colonialism, Resistance and the First Nations Health Liaison Program” (2005) 4:1 Currents: New Scholarship in the Human Services 12.

⁹ An Overview of Aboriginal Health in Canada (Prince George, BC: National Collaborating Center for Indigenous Health, 2013) at 3.

¹⁰ Brenda Gunn, Ignored to Death: Systemic Racism in the Canadian Healthcare System (Submission to EMRIP the Study on Health, Robson Hall Faculty of Law, University of Manitoba, 2016) [unpublished] at 5.

¹¹ Avery Zingel, “Indigenous women come forward with accounts of forced sterilization, says lawyer”, CBC News (18 April 2019), online: <https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/north/forced-sterilization-lawsuit-could-expand-1.5102981>.

¹² Truth and Reconcilliation Commission of Canada, Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconcilliation Commission of Canada. (Ottawa: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015) at 322.

¹³ See “The Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons of Canada :: Indigenous health”, online: <http://www.royalcollege.ca/rcsite/health-policy/initiatives/indigenous-health-e>.

¹⁴ Government of Quebec, Public Inquiry Commission on relations between Indigenous Peoples and certain public services in Québec: listening, reconciliation and progress (Quebec, 2019).

¹⁵ Kristy Kirkup & Tu Thanh Ha, supra note 3.

5 Years After TRC: A National Standard

(Image Credit: Debwe, led by Mushkiiki Nibi Kwe (Lindsey Lickers) with artists Leah Roberts, Maybella King Reynolds & Shaneixqui Brown.) 

 

Tansi Nîtôtemtik, 

 

TRC Call to Action #4 calls for federal legislation that establishes a national standard for Indigenous child welfare.  These national standards were to include provisions that; 

• Affirm the right of Indigenous governing bodies to manage their own child welfare; 
• Require the legacy of residential schools to be considered by decision-makers in courts and child welfare agencies, and 
• Establish a placement requirement that prioritizes culturally appropriate care.^[1] 

 

The Act Respecting First Nations, Inuit and Métis Children,Youth and Families (the Act, formerly Bill C-92) came into force in January 2020.^[2]  ReconciliAction YEG wrote about Bill C-92 both after it was first introduced, and after the Act came into force.^[3] We won’t reinvent the wheel with today & tomorrow’s post, but we want to specifically address how this legislation responds to the Call of the TRC. 

 

The Act directly acknowledges the TRC Call for a legislated national standard in the preamble, which on the surface, immediately addresses Call to Action #4. It states: 

 

Whereas the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada’s Calls to Action calls for the federal, provincial and Indigenous governments to work together with respect to the welfare of Indigenous children and calls for the enactment of federal legislation that establishes national standards for the welfare of Indigenous children.^[4]

 

Additionally, section 8(a) of the Act states that the purpose of the Act is to “affirm the inherent right of self-government, which includes jurisdiction in relation to child and family services”.^[5]

 

While this legislation is a huge step forward with its statutory recognition of Indigenous government’s inherent jurisdiction over child welfare, it has been problematic from its introduction. Cindy Blackstock, executive director of the First Nations Child and Family Caring Society of Canada, called the legislation “a colonial Faustian bargain” in that it requires Indigenous groups to “accept the flawed bill in its current state or get nothing.”^[6]  These flaws include a total lack of statutorily allocated funding, over-reliance on the best interests of the child as interpreted by colonial courts, failure to fully recognize Indigenous jurisdiction, and no measures for accountability or data collection.^[7] The Yellowhead Institute published an in-depth assessment of the benefits and drawbacks of the final iteration of the Bill just after it was passed, but understanding the bargain referred to by Dr. Blackstock means understanding the two phases of the legislation.^[8]

 

Phase 1 of the Act is the National Standards.  This became effective immediately upon enactment, and sets a floor for how Indigenous child welfare must operate.^[9] Where the Act conflicts with provincial law, the Act takes precedent.^[10] This is a positive, because provincial child welfare standards vary from province to province, and the National standard will ensure that this minimum standard is consistent across Canada. 

 

Phase 2 of the Act is where Indigenous Laws can prevail over the National Standard, and the existing Provincial law. On its face, this sounds like a positive, but looking closer at the provisions acknowledging inherent jurisdiction, it appears more like inherent jurisdiction, if Canada says so.  Indigenous governing bodies can exercise jurisdiction either by giving notice of intent, or by making a request to enter into a coordination agreement with the relevant governments.^[11] Notice of intent to exercise jurisdiction allows the Indigenous governing body to handle child welfare matters according to provincial and federal law, but does not give force to Indigenous laws.^[12]  A coordination agreement would allow both jurisdiction and prevailing Indigenous law if reasonable efforts were made to reach an agreement within 12 months, and if the prevailing Indigenous law is not in conflict with the “best interests of the child”.^[13] 

 

Team ReconciliAction assigns a grade of C+ to the federally legislated national standard, and a grade of D to the Act’s affirmation of inherent jurisdiction. While a national standard for Indigenous child welfare has set a floor for the care of Indigenous children, the floor appears to be too low still without any allocated funding or accountability measures included as part of the standard. Additionally, an affirmation of the inherent jurisdiction that was never relinquished by Indigenous groups in the first place, merely amounts to lip service when colonial oversight is still imposed. 

Check back tomorrow for more on Call to Action #4, and tell us what you think of our assessment below!

 

Until next time, Team ReconciliAction YEG

¹  Truth and Reconcilliation Commission of Canada, Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconcilliation Commission of Canada. (Ottawa: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015) at 320.

² An Act Respecting First Nations, Inuit and Métis Children, Youth and Families, SC 2019, c 24 [The Act].

³ ReconciliAction YEG, “Systemic Barriers and Indigenous Children: Bill C-92”, (21 March 2019), online: University of Alberta Faculty of Law Blog <https://ualbertalaw.typepad.com/faculty/2019/03/systemic-barriers-and-indigenous-children-bill-c-92.html>; ReconciliAction YEG, “An Overview of Bill C-92”, online: University of Alberta Faculty of Law Blog <https://ualbertalaw.typepad.com/faculty/2020/01/an-overview-of-bill-c-92.html>.

⁴ The Act, supra note 2 [emphasis added].

⁵ Ibid, s 8.

⁶ Cindy Blackstock, “Opinion: Will Canada continue to fail Indigenous girls?”, The Globe and Mail (6 June 2019), online: <https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-will-canada-continue-to-fail-indigenous-girls/>.

⁷ Naiomi Walqwan Metallic, Hadley Friedland & Sarah Morales, The Promise and Pitfalls of C-92:  An Act respecting First Nations,  Inuit, and Métis Children,  Youth and Families (Toronto, Ontario: Yellowhead Institute, 2019).

⁸ Ibid.

⁹ The Act, supra note 2, ss 4, 8(b).

¹⁰ Ibid, s 4.

¹¹ Ibid, s 20.

¹² Ibid, s 20(3).

¹³ Ibid, ss 10–15, 20(3), 21, 22, 23.

5 Years After TRC: Reducing Children in Care

Tansi Nîtôtemtik, 

 

Today we are looking at TRC Calls to Action #1 and #2.  Both of these Calls to Action call on governments to address the staggering number of Indigenous children in the child welfare system. The 2016 census showed that a shocking 52.2% of children in care were Indigenous.^[1] Why is this figure so shocking? Well, only 7.7% of children in Canada are Indigenous.^[2]  

(Image credit: Government of Canada; Indigenous Services Canada, “Reducing the number of Indigenous children in care”, (2 November 2018), online: <https://www.sac-isc.gc.ca/eng/1541187352297/1541187392851>) 

 

Call to Action #1 calls for a commitment from governments to reduce Indigenous children in care through resourcing, monitoring and educating child welfare organizations, and requiring child-welfare investigators and decision makers to consider culturally appropriate environments and the effects of residential schools on children and caregivers. Call to Action #2 calls for annual published data on child welfare services and Indigenous children.^[3]

 

To evaluate Call to Action #1, Team ReconciliAction first needed to know if there has been a reduction of Indigenous children in care since 2015. However, the most recent federal data on the number of Indigenous children in care comes from the 2016 census. Due to the absence of annual published data, we have assigned a failing grade for Call to Action #2.  Finding out the number of Indigenous children in care would have been a simple task if Call to Action #2 had been adequately responded to.  Luckily for our readers, we law students are no strangers to research. 

 

News reports from June 2020 state that the proportion of Indigenous children in care in Saskatchewan hit an 11-year high for the number of children in care, with 86% of these children being Indigenous.^[4]  Following a similar upward trend, Alberta Human Services reported a 4% increase in Indigenous children in care in 2018, raising Alberta's figure to 70%.^[5]  Finally, between 2016 and 2018, BC saw an increase in the number of Indigenous children in care from 61% to 63%.^[6] 

 

The number of Indigenous children in care may be further impacted by recent published judicial interpretations of the Act respecting First Nations, Inuit and Métis children, youth and families since it's coming into force in January 2020. Several courts across the country have interpreted the new priority placement provision in the Act in a way that places or keeps the Indigenous child in foster care, by skipping over or deeming 'not applicable' placements that are legislated as ahead of foster homes in priority.^[7] We will discuss this Act in greater detail next week when we look at Call to Action #4.

 

Overall, Call to Action #1 cannot be assigned a passing grade for reducing the number of Indigenous children in care because the proportion of Indigenous children in care has not been reduced since the final report from the TRC was released in 2015. Perhaps tomorrow this grade can improve when we evaluate whether there has been progress on the individual means of reducing the number of Indigenous children in care as set out in TRC Call to Action #1. Stay tuned!

What do you think about progress on Calls to Action #1 & #2? Comment below. 

 

Until next time, Team ReconciliAction YEG

 

¹ Government of Canada; Indigenous Services Canada, “Reducing the number of Indigenous children in care”, (2 November 2018), online: <https://www.sac-isc.gc.ca/eng/1541187352297/1541187392851>.

² Ibid

³Truth and Reconcilliation Commission of Canada, Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconcilliation Commission of Canada. (Ottawa: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015) at 319.

⁴ Anna McMillan, “Number of children in Saskatchewan’s care hits 11-year high, with 86% identified as Indigenous”, online: Global News <https://globalnews.ca/news/7020525/indigenous-children-saskatchewans-care-11-year-high/>.

⁵ Human Services Alberta, Child Intervention Information and Statistics Summary (Alberta: Human Services Alberta, Child Intervention Division, 2018).

⁶ Government of British Columbia, “Children and Youth in Care”, (31 March 2018), online: <https://mcfd.gov.bc.ca/reporting/services/child-protection/permanency-for-children-and-youth/performance-indicators/children-in-care>.

⁷An Act respecting First Nations, Inuit and Métis children, youth and families, SC 2019 c 24 [The Act], s 16, When placing an Indigenous child, priority must be considered in order of, (a) with one of the child’s parents, (b) with another adult member of the child’s family,(c) with an adult who belongs to the same Indigenous group, community or people as the child, (d) with an adult who belongs to an Indigenous group, community or people other than the one to which the child belongs, or (e) with any other adult. Alberta (Child, Youth and Family Enhancement Act, Director) v KC, 2020 ABPC 62 [AB Director v KC] at paras 30–31, Interpreted as inapplicable when family and Indigenous governing body have not put forth kinship or other placement options; British Columbia (Child, Family and Community Service) v SH, 2020 BCPC 82 [BCCFS v SH] Placement priority provision interpreted as not applicable when no other placement alternatives or evaluations have been provided to the court.

Say Their Names

Abigail Andrews

Ada Brown

Adele Rose Mary Matinet

Adrienne Amikons

Aielah Saric-Auger

Alannah Cardinal

Alberta Williams

Alice Netemegesic

Alisha Germaine

Alissa Martin-Travers

Amanda Bartlett

Amanda Cook

Amanda Simpson

Amber Guiboche

Amber Tuccaro

Andria Meise

Angel Carlick

Angela Meyer

Angela Poorman

Angela Williams

Angeline Pete

Anne Maria Lucas

Anne Peters

Annette Holywhiteman

Annie Pootoogook

Annie Yassie

Ashley Machiskinic

Ashley Smith

Audrey Desjarlais

Azraya Ackabee-Kokopenace

Azraya Kokopence

Barbara Keam

Barbara Kentner

Barbara Loon

Barbara Shapwaykeesic

Beatrice Adam

Belinda Cameron

Belinda Williams

Bella Laboucan-McLean

Bernadette Ahenakew

Bernadette Leclair

Bernadine Quewezance

Bernice Bottle

Bernice Joan Rich

Betsy Owens

Bonnie Jack

Bonnie Joseph

Brandy Vittrekwa

Brandy Wesaquate

Brenda Campbell

Brittany Bearspaw

Brooklyn Moose

Caitlin Potts

Caralyn King

Carol Davis

Carol Prudhomme

Caroline Burns

Carolyn Connolly

Cassandra Antone

Cecilia Nikal

Cecilia Payash

Chantelle Bushie

Charity Keesic

Charlene Catholique

Charnelle Masakeyash

Cherisse Houle

Cheryl Black

Cheryl Duck

Cheryl Johnson

Cheyenne Fox

Chloe Matthews

Christina Littlejohn

Christine Cardinal

Cindy Gladue

Clarene Rose Panamick

Claudette Osborne

Constance Cameron

Corrine Moosomin

Crystal Saunders

Cynthia Audy

Cynthia Lynette Jamieson

Danielle LaRue

Danita Bigeagle

Daphne Mesher Brown

Darlinda Ritchey

Dawn Crey

Dawn Keewatin

Deanna Bellerose

Debbie Pelletier

Debbie Sloss-Clarke

Deborah Toulouse

Deidre Michelin

Delaine Copenace

Delena Lefthand Dixon

Della Ootoova

Delores Brower

Delores Brown

Delores Whiteman

Delphine Nikal

Denise Katherine Bourdeau

Desiree Oldwoman

Destiny Tom

Diana Rattlesnake

Diane Dobson

Diane Marshall

Diane Stewart

Donna Kabatay

Donna Kasyon

Donna Taylor

Donna Tebbenham

Doreen Hardy

Doreen Jack

Dorothy Spence

Edith McGinnis Quagon

Edna Bernard

Edna Smith

Elaine Alook

Elaine Flowers

Elaine Vawn LaForme

Elena Assam-Thunderbird

Elizabeth Dorion

Elsie Sebastian

Emily Ballantyne

Emily Osmond

Emma Dixon

Ernestine Kasyon

Eva Mitchell

Evaline Cameron

Evelyn Kebalo

Felicia Solomon

Flora Muskego

Fonassa Bruyere

Frances Ellah

Freda Goodrunning

Geraldine Beardy

Geraldine Settee

Gladys Simon

Gladys Tolley

Glenda Morriseau

Glennis Edwards

Gloria Black Plume

Gloria Gladue

Gloria Jean Martha Abotossaway

Gloria Moody

Heather Ballantyne

Heather Pelletier

Heaven Traverse

Helen Gillings

Helen Louise Jacobs

Helene Ratfat

Helyna Rivera

Henrietta Millek

Hilda Agawa

Hillary Wilson

Ila Oman

Immaculate Basil

Irma Murdock

Jacqueline Crazybull

Jamie McGuire

Jane Bernard

Jane Jack

Jane Louise Sutherland

Janet Henry

Janet Sylvestre

Janice Desjarlais

Janine Wesaquate

Jarita Naistus

Jean Moccasin

Jean Sampare

Jeanenne Fontaine

Jeanette Basil

Jeanette Cardinal

Jeanine St Jean

Jeannette Chief

Jennifer Catcheway

Jennifer Stewart

Jessica Cardinal

Joanna Andersen

Joanne Ghostkeeper

Jocelyn McDonald

Joey English

Jordina Skunk

Josephine Chakasim

Josephine Thompson

Joyce Hewitt

Joyce Tillotson

Juanita Cardinal

Judie Thibault

Judy Ann Benoit Ogden

Judy Ann Quill

Judy Chescue

Judy Quill

Justine Cochrane

Kari Gordon

Karina Wolfe

Karla Desrosiers

Katelynne Sampson

Kathleen Leary

Katie Ballantyne

Kellie Little

Kelly Goforth

Kelly Morrisseau

Kimberly Jararuse

Krystal Andrews

Krystle Knott

Lana Derrick

Laura Pilon

Lavina Tocher

Leah Anderson

Leanne Benwell

Leanne Lawson

Leona Brule

Leslie Talley

Liana Mathewson

Linda Condo

Linda Guimond

Linda Scott

Lisa Lynn Anstey

Lisa Young

Liz Bonnie Sakakeesic

Lora Banman

Lora Frank

Loretta Capot-Blanc

Loretta Lavalley

Loretta Saunders

Lori Berens

Lori Kasprick

Lorilee Francis

Lorraine Rivers

Louise Lorraine Laderoute

Lynn Childforever

Mabel Leo

Mae Morton

Maggie Burke

Maggie Mink

Maggie Natomagan

Maisy Odjick

Marcia Koostachin

Margaret Blackbird

Margaret Guylee

Margaret Perrault (Bluebird)

Margaret Vedan

Marguerite Dyson

Mariah Wesley

Marie Banks

Marie Desjarlais

Marie Laliberte

Marie Lasas

Marie Mike

Mariella Lennie

Marilyn Daniels

Marilyn Munroe

Marjorie Henderson

Marlene Abigosis

Martha Boyce

Mary Ann Birmingham

Mary Ann Davis

Mary Goodfellow

Mary Hill

Mary Keadjuk

Mary Kreiser

Mary Lidguerre

Mary Mark

Mary Peters King

Mary Smith

Mary Susan Evans-Harlick

Mavis Mason

Maxine Susanne Peters

Maxine Wapass

Melanie Geddes

Melissa Chaboyer

Mercedes Stevens

Michelle Gurney

Michelle Hadwen

Mildred Flett

Minnie Sutherland

Misty Potts

Mitzi MacDougall

Moira Erb

Monica Cardinal

Monica Jack

Myrna Montgrand

Nadine Machiskinic

Nancy Dumas

Naomi Desjarlais

Nellie Angutiguluk

Nicole Daniels

Nicolle Hands

Olivia Williams

Pamela Holopainen

Pamela Napoleon

Patricia Carpenter

Patricia Favel

Patricia Quinn

Patricia Wadhams

Paula Joy Martin

Pauline Brazeau

Petrina Lynn Whitecrow

Philomene Lemay

Rachel Quinney

Ramona Shular

Ramona Wilson

Rebecca Guno

Rebecca Jean King

Rena Fox

Rene Gunning

Renee Neganiwina

Rhonda Gardiner

Rhonda Running Bird

Richele Bear

Roberta Elders

Roberta Ferguson

Roberta Lincoln

Rocelyn Gabriel

Rose Decoteau

Rose-Ann Blackned

Rowena Sharpe

Roxanne Charlie

Roxanne Fleming

Roxanne Isadore

Roxanne Thiara

Ruby Hardy

Ruth Cocks

Sabrina Polchies

Samantha Johnings

Samantha Paul

Sandra Kaye Johnson

Sarah Jane Wawia Bernard

Sarah Mason

Sarah Obed

Sarah Skunk

Savannah Hall

Selina Wallace

Serena Colson

Serenity

Shannon Alexander

Sharon Abraham

Sharon Merasty

Sharon Murphy

Shelley Anderson

Shelley Lynne Joseph

Shelley May Anderson

Shelly Dene

Shirley Beardy

Shirley Cletheroe

Shirley Lonethunder

Shirley Waquan

Simone Sanderson

Sindy Ruperthouse

Sonya Nadine Mae Cywink

Spring Phillips

Stella St. Arnault

Stephanie Cormier Chaisson

Sunshine Wood

Susan Assin

Sylvia Guiboche

Tabitha Kalluk

Tamara Chipman

Tamra Keepness

Tania Marsden

Tanya Brooks

Tanya Hill

Tanya Nepinak

Tashina Cheyenne Vaughn General

Teresa Robinson

Terra Gardener

Terrie Dauphinais

Thelma Pete

Therena Silva

Theresa Anne Yakimchuck

Therese Labbe

Theressa Wilson (Jamieson)

Tiffany Morrison

Tiffany Skye

Tina Fontaine

Tricia Paquette

Trudy Gopher

Vanessa Tagoona

Velma Duncan

Verna May Simard-Shabaquay

Verna Patricia Sturgeon

Verna Simard

Victoria Crow Shoe

Victoria Hornbrook

Viola Isabella Panacheese

Viola Melvin

Viola Panacheese

Violet Heathen

Vivian Cada

Wendy Poole

Yvonne Elizabeth King [1]

 

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

        These names belong to Indigenous women who have been murdered or are missing from communities across the country. Too often they are reduced to numbers on a page or lines on a graph.

        They were grandmothers, mothers, daughters, sisters, aunties, cousins, and friends. They were humans. And they deserved better. Say their names.

#SayHerName [2]

Until next time,

Team ReconciliAction YEG

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[1] This list is not complete; hundreds more have lost their lives to gendered and racialized violence. Our list is a compilation of work done by Maryanne Pearce (https://docs.google.com/a/ualberta.ca/spreadsheets/d/1pvMIkZ2JmoXCUEnUWmYbcFWxfz5xcD7ljz_a8UIVOH0/pub?output=html), No More Silence (http://itstartswithus-mmiw.com/community-lists/#1485456540464-287e628c-dde8), and the CBC (http://www.cbc.ca/missingandmurdered/).

[2] Kimberle Crenshaw and the African American Policy Forum launched the #SayHerName campaign in 2015 in an effort to call attention to violence against Black women in the United States. Say Her Name documents stories of Black women who have been killed by police and shines a spotlight on forms of police brutality experienced disproportionately by women of colour.  The initiative focuses on the intersections of race and gender, and the violence that exists there. These and other intersections must also be considered in the context of violence done to Indigenous women in Canada.

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In the Media: Last Week in Edmonton

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

        On October 4, the University of Alberta’s Faculty of Arts hosted What Comes Next: Political Afterlives of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The roundtable discussion featured big names (Glen Coulthard, Audra Simpson, and Robert Nichols), and even bigger ideas. Of particular note was the panel’s focus on the dark side of reconciliation – a dark side that, like last week’s terrorist attack, is generally not an issue most Canadians expect.

        Nichols drew a parallel between the ‘Jewish Question,’ and the Holocaust it enabled, to the ways in which Canada has been working to solve its ‘Indian Problem.’ He encouraged attendees to consider that what we are really dealing with in this country is a white supremacy problem. He also discussed the inherent contradictions in Canada’s political and juridical systems that make the framework of reconciliation at best, weak, and at worst, useless. After all, how can a country, whose capitalistic economy is based on continuous acquisition and growth, honestly accommodate Aboriginal title? As Nichols suggested, “it might not be possible.”[1]

        “Reconciliation,” Simpson explained, “is simultaneously impossible and irresistible.”[2] She noted that rather than being a meaningful tool for moving forward, Canada’s reconciliation project is instead a strategic and re-subjectifying political tool being wielded against Indigenous peoples and keeping them “in their place, as wounded.”[3] It is cunningly constructed to ensure that anyone who speaks out against reconciliation is placed in an antagonistic position to former students of residential schools and accordingly critics become the villains in a twisted trick of fate. Simpson’s conclusion was that reconciliation is simply the government’s latest attempt to make Indigenous peoples disappear.

        Like Simpson, Coulthard focused on alternative ways of looking at reconciliation. In his opinion, however, the apparatus of reconciliation was crafted to pacify Indigenous peoples following the Oka Crisis and the Red Power movements that gained international attention in the 70s, 80s, and 90s. Institutional reconciliation was “deployed”[4] as a means of subduing Indigenous militancy and calming the economic uncertainty that accompanied it. The language of reconciliation, Coulthard further argued, pathologizes Indigenous peoples and replaces the need for political reorganization with a need for healing. He advocated the development of a “combative consciousness”[5] as opposed to giving in to patriarchal, capitalist, state control. Ultimately, Coulthard admitted, he is more interested in the “political pre-lives of reconciliation”[6] than he is with the afterlife.

        The panelists were, in plainest terms, bad-ass. Their observations served as an important wake-up call for those of us who work within the context of the TRC, reminding attendees that in some ways, reconciliation can itself be a “mechanism of violence.”[7] Many thanks to the inspiring speakers and to the political science students and faculty members that made it happen.

Until next time,

Team ReconciliAction YEG

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[1] Robert Nichols, (What Comes Next: Political Afterlives of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission Event, delivered at the University of Alberta, Edmonton, 4 October 2017) [unpublished].

[2] Audra Simpson, (What Comes Next: Political Afterlives of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission Event, delivered at the University of Alberta, Edmonton, 4 October 2017) [unpublished].

[3] Ibid.

[4] Glen Coulthard, (What Comes Next: Political Afterlives of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission Event, delivered at the University of Alberta, Edmonton, 4 October 2017) [unpublished].

[5] Ibid.

[6] Ibid.

[7] Ibid.

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The Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement: An Introduction

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

        The Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement (IRSSA) was negotiated in 2006 and formally implemented in 2007. It contains five core elements:

1. Common Experience Payment (CEP) – This element was available to eligible former students, but the onus was on the claimants to provide proof and verification that they had attended a residential school included in the agreement (not all schools were). The CEP was meant to cover claims for loss of language and culture, and for minor sufferings. Successful claimants were entitled to a base payment of $10,000 plus $3,000 for each year of attendance.[1]
2. Independent Assessment Process (IAP) – This element was available to former students who had been subjected to sexual abuse and/or serious physical abuse. Claims could be brought for sexual and physical assault committed by adult employees of residential schools; for sexual or physical assaults committed at a residential by one student against another where staff knew or should have known about the abuse; and for any other wrongful act committed by an adult at a residential school that resulted in serious psychological consequences.[2] If a former student wanted to pursue a specific abuse claim outside of the IAP, they were forced to opt out of IRSSA entirely and thus forfeit their CEP.
3. Healing Initiatives – Funds were donated to the Aboriginal Healing Foundation and the Indian Residential Schools Resolution Health Support Program.
4. Commemorative Activities – This element included installations or events that honoured former students and paid tribute in tangible ways. One example is the federal government’s so-called ‘Apology’ in 2008.[3]
5. Truth & Reconciliation Commission – This element resulted in the TRC Final Report, Executive Summary, and Calls to Action.

        Although some scholars argue that the settlement process provided a favourable alternative to adversarial litigation,[4] others are not so sure. Kent Roach, for example, identifies the ways in which the IRSSA, and the civil litigation and ADR processes that preceded it, “failed to appreciate the full scope of the harms of residential schools.” He postulates that these processes ultimately “re-victimized residential school survivors and downplayed the responsibility of Canadian governments, churches, and society for the harmful legacy of the schools”[5] through the incorporation of tort law principles.

        The tort law principle of causation requires a causal link be established between a wrongful act and a compensable harm. In IRS claims, causation has taken the form of arguments stipulating that harms suffered by former students were caused not by the abuses suffered in residential schools but rather by factors including the life choices of the claimant and members of their family.[6]

        In tort law, a wrongdoer is liable for a victim’s injuries even where those injuries are made worse by a preexisting condition. With this line of reasoning, the wrongdoer need only return the victim to their original position – the wrongdoer does not have to compensate the victim for effects they would have experienced whether or not the wrong was done.

        In the context of IRS claims, this principle (known as the ‘crumbling skull argument’) has been utilized by abusers in an attempt to frame claimants as having been damaged before they ever set foot in a residential school. These arguments “focused on family violence, alcoholism, and poverty”[7] and aimed to create an original position where Indigenous peoples were already injured, and already predisposed to the results of abuse.[8] In addition to creating a culture of victim-blaming, this type of argument effectively put claimants on trial in that they were burdened with disproving this presumed pathology.    

        Even at a macro level, the idea of providing cash for suffering is, in many ways, offensive. Some survivors have indicated that they feel the IRSSA and other mechanisms of compensation are means by which the government is paying for silence. It is important that we take a critical approach the IRSSA (whose interests did it really serve?), but at the end of the day, financial compensation is arguably better than nothing…

        The rest of this week’s posts will be dedicated to exploring how we arrived at the IRSSA, what the IAP entails, and the statistics surrounding the settlement process.

Until next time,

Team ReconciliAction YEG

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[1] Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, “History: Part 2” in The Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (Winnipeg: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015) at 572.

[2] Government of Canada: Indigenous & Northern Affairs, “Indian Residential Schools” (2016), online: http://www.aadnc-aandc.gc.ca/eng/1100100015576/1100100015577#sect1. Accessed October 5, 2017.

[3] The image above shows Phil Fontaine and Stephen Harper participating in one of the IRSSA’s commemorative activities. Image taken from https://www.thestar.com/news/canada/2013/04/30/auditor_generals_report_2013_lack_of_cooperation_threatens_indian_residential_schools_agreement.html.

[4] See Kathleen Mahoney, “The Settlement Process: A Personal Reflection” (2014) U of T LJ 64:4.

[5] Kent Roach, “Blaming the Victim: Canadian Law, Causation, and Residential School” (2014) U of T LJ 64:4 at 566.

[6] Ibid, at 571.

[7] Ibid, at 575.

[8] Elizabeth Adjin-Tettey, “Righting Past Wrongs through Contextualization: Assessing Claims of Aboriginal Survivors of Historical and Institutional Abuses” (2007) Windsor YB Access to Justice 95:134 at 126.

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To Boldly Go...

What will Canada be like in another 150 years? Despite deepening darkness in the world around us, I like to be optimistic. I think that Canada, and hopefully our world, will be a better, fairer place in the centuries to come. Since Confederation, Canada’s laws have increasingly reflected our social and political values toward equality and fairness.

However, I doubt the text of our Constitution will change much. The amending formula found in section 42 of the Constitution Act, 1982 requires too much buy-in from too many different places with different agendas. Any changes to the text of the Constitution require votes in favour in seven of the ten provinces, which must exceed half the population of the country.¹ We will be freer and fairer, but regional squabbles will always exist. Barring a war which redraws maps and forces us to rewrite the entire thing, the text itself probably won’t have changed much. It’s possible Quebec will not even have ratified it..

Luckily, the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) has always shown a willingness to adopt a living tree doctrine, allowing our society to evolve with changing Canadian values. It was the SCC that insisted on protecting people from discrimination based on sexual orientation.² It was the SCC that established the right to assisted suicide.³ It was the SCC that established that our outdated sex work laws were dangerous.⁴ The SCC split 6-3 over whether something must have identifiable harm to be criminalized and, as the challenger wished to establish, whether prohibition of marijuana was unconstitutional.⁵

As the SCC and future progressive parliaments will push our society forward in some ways, new technologies will push it forward in others. Automation is the way of the future (though people touting new AI as a replacement for lawyers clearly do not understand the profession), and Canada must adapt accordingly.

One adaptation I see to deal with those issues is the adoption of a Universal Basic Income (UBI) scheme. UBI is the idea of making sure that everyone has a basic standard of living through no-strings-attached cash payments. The largest social change in centuries will have to occur, and will require Canadians to stop stigmatizing a lack of gainful employment. We need to not look down on people who don’t “work”, especially those who choose not to in order to pursue art, education, and invention.

The future is bright. Our courts are willing to reinterpret our constitution to reflect our changing society. Our country is evolving at an incredibly rapid rate. Happy 150, Canada. I hope I live long enough to see a fraction of how great things will be when you hit 300.

¹Constitution Act, 1982, s 42, being Schedule B to the Canada Act 1982 (UK), 1982, c 11.

²Vriend v Alberta, [1998] 1 SCR 493, 156 DLR (4th) 385.

³Carter v Canada (Attorney General), 2016 SCC 4, [2016] 1 SCR 13.

⁴Bedford v Canada (Attorney General), 2013 SCC 72, [2013] 3 SCR 1101.

⁵R v Malmo-Levine, 2003 SCC 74, [2003] 3 SCR 571.

We Will Wait Our Turn, Just Not For Too Long

Where do I see Canada in the next 150 years? What an interesting question. I highly doubt I will be alive to witness it, but I have a few minor wishes for my own life time. Rather than focussing on where I think the country will be in 150 years, I am going to explain where I want it to be in ten.

Last year’s presidential election was contentious, controversial, and fascinating all at the same time. An election filled with name-calling, bigotry, media rants, and outright craziness led to one of the most shocking results ever. The world watched as Donald Trump became the 45th President of the United States over Hillary Clinton. A businessman commonly recognized from his appearances on The Apprentice beat out a career politician. Many people thought this was insanity; others prepared for what seems like the start of an apocalyptic movie.

Hillary Clinton’s loss left many women wondering when it will be their turn to hold the highest office in the United States. Will women ever get that chance? How many more years would we wait to shatter the most resilient glass ceiling in the world?

Thankfully, Marie Henein, a named partner at Henein Hutchison reminds us that Canadians should not be patting ourselves on the back yet. We have also never formally elected a female prime minister. The only woman to ever hold the highest seat in our country was the Right Honourable Kim Campbell 24 years ago when Brian Mulroney stepped down from office.¹

When we look at our current political climate it is hard to pinpoint when a woman will even have a chance to be Canada’s Prime Minister. Depending on the outcome of the current Conservative leadership race (click here for our post from last week covering this ), all three major Canadian parties will be led by men, assuming O’Leary wins. Since I have been eligible to vote no serious female contender has been available. So my question moving forward is: when?

While it is easy to point a finger at our neighbours south of the border for their lack of female leadership, we tend to overlook our own.  In fact, out of the 13 Canadian provincial premiers only three are women. Marie Henein was right when she stated that for women in North America the message is clear, “You can hold office, just not the highest one. You can succeed, just not too much.”² My hope is that by the time Canada is celebrating its 200th birthday this message has changed.

When we focus on the political climate elsewhere, women in other countries have fared far better than us. Sri Lanka set the stage for the rest of the world by electing its first female Prime Minister in 1960.³ Fifty-seven years ago a woman was leading a country. To many hopeful women, it would seem that we were making progress. As groundbreaking as Sirimavo Bandaranaike’s election was, another woman would not follow suit in 1979 when Margaret Thatcher became the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. It took 19 years for another country to catch on, so while women were making progress, it was slow.

Currently only 33 women have been elected to represent their country in the highest office. Notably missing from the list is any North American country. The question remaining is why? What are we teaching young educated women? We are likely teaching women exactly what Marie Henein suggests, set big goals, become educated, and become successful. Just do not become too successful though because that is not what women do.

I truly hope that within the next 10 years this message has changed. It is time we change our attitudes about women in leadership. Instead of criticizing a woman’s “nasty” demeanour, it is time we celebrate her worth, ethic, and drive. Women are brilliant, capable, and deserving of the same successes as men. So by 2027 hopefully we will have one running our country as a result of her election, not as a result of merely filling in temporarily. Until then we will wait, not too patiently, for our turn.

 

 

¹ Marie Henein, “Thank you, Hillary. Now women know retreat is not an option,” The Globe and Mail (10 November 2016), online: <www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/thank-you-hillary-women-now-know-retreat-is-not-an-option/article32803341/>.

² Ibid.

³ Christine Zhang & Andrea Roberson, “When the rest of the world elected women leaders,” The LA Times (14 November 2016), online: <www.latimes.com/projects/la-fg-women-world-leaders/#decade60>.

Entering the Dragon's Den

 

We end our political party week by discussing Canada’s founding political party. The Conservative Party adopted its values and policies from the British Tories and governed Canada for 29 consecutive years after Confederation.¹ Since Confederation the Conservative Party has changed substantially. For the purpose of today’s post we will be focussing on the Conservative Party’s merger after the year 2000 and its upcoming leadership race.

Before unifying in 2003, there were two separate and distinct conservative parties: the Canadian Reform Conservative Alliance and the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada.² The two merged in December 2003 with overwhelming support from both parties and a hope of creating a stronger and more unified conservative movement.³ A newly formed party required one more thing: a newly elected leader to bring new life to the campaign. On March 20th, 2004, Stephen Harper became the first leader of the Conservative Party of Canada.⁴ Harper led the Conservatives to success in the 2006 election, and maintained control of the Canadian government until November 2015.

After the loss of the 2015 election, Harper chose to step down from party leadership leaving Rona Ambrose as the current interim party leader.⁵ This brings us to the current state of the Conservative government. On May 27th, 2017, Conservative Party members will vote to elect the party’s new leader. Fourteen candidates put their names forward almost immediately upon notice of the election, but polls suggest that there are really only three contenders.⁶

With an early lead over the other candidates, polls suggest that Kevin O’Leary with (22.1%) will be the next Conservative leader.⁷ Controversial, outspoken, loud, and critical of Canada’s current Liberal government, O’Leary has certainly created a name for himself. Perhaps Conservative Canadians are unhappy with how Justin Trudeau and the Liberals are running the country, or maybe O’Leary’s name is more recognizable due to his fame from “Dragon’s Den.” Regardless of the reason, O’Leary’s election seems likely.

What platform is O’Leary actually running on when you look past the loud media rants and wild antics? The answer is hard to determine. O’Leary’s campaign page suggests that he wants to support small businesses and hardworking Canadians using his investment background.⁸  He also suggests that it is time for the country to be run by someone who is not a career politician. Sound familiar? I recall a certain Donald Trump making similar suggestions south of the border. While O’Leary may have good intentions of balancing the Canadian budget and providing support to working Canadians he does not make any tangible suggestions as to how he will do this. But he is a businessman so he must know how to deal with the economy, right?

The Conservative Party would head in an interesting direction if O’Leary were elected. If he’s elected I hope O’Leary will make, and keep, tangible promises to Canadians, rather than just rant about Justin Trudeau’s time in office. Who knows though, maybe by May 27th Kellie Leitch or Maxime Bernier will take the vote. All we can do now is stay tuned and leave you with a quote from O’Leary:

"I understand what he is doing with the media, and you can certainly claim I am trying to do the same, but I am not Donald Trump."⁹

 

 

 

¹ Trevor W Harrison, “Conservative Party”, The Canadian Encyclopedia (19 August 2015), online: <www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/conservative-party/>.

² Conservative Party of Canada, “Our History” (2017), online: <www.conservative.ca/our-party/our-history/>.

³ Ibid.

⁴ Ibid.

⁵ Conservative Party of Canada, “Leadership” (2017), online: <www.conservative.ca/leadership/en>.

⁶ “Conservative leadership candidate Kevin O'Leary says he knows where 'rot' is at CBC: 'We could save billions of dollars'”, Toronto Sun (28 March 2017), online: <www.torontosun.com/2017/03/28/conservative-leadership-candidate-kevin-oleary-says-he-knows-where-rot-is-at-cbc-we-could-save-billions-of-dollars>.

⁷ Ibid.

⁸ Kevin O’Leary, “Why I’m Running” (2017), online: <https://olearyforcanada.ca/en/why/#0>.

⁹ The Canadian Press, “A selection of quotes from Conservative leadership candidate Kevin O'Leary” Times Colonist (18 January 2017), online: <www.timescolonist.com/a-selection-of-quotes-from-conservative-leadership-candidate-kevin-o-leary-1.7857343>.

Fringe Political Parties and the Democratic Process

Canada constitutionalized the right of people to join and leave organizations, take collective action, and pursue interests of members in section 2(d) of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Canada also enshrined the right to participate in federal elections (section 3). These are the same rights that allows political parties to assemble and have candidates run under a party name in every election.

There are many ‘serious’ parties that run in every election. Excluding the biggest contenders (Conservative, Liberal, and NDP), there are also many small parties who benefit from s 2(d) of the Charter, such as the Communist Party of Canada, Democratic Advancement Party of Canada, and the Libertarian Party of Canada, to name a few.¹

But what about the satirical parties, who, some would argue, abuse this Canadian fundamental freedom, allegedly making a mockery of the democratic process?

The Rhinoceros Party of Canada was active for 30 years, from 1963-1993 and in 2010, re-emerged under a new name. The party ran new candidates in the 2015 federal election, and their main campaign promise was “a promise to keep none of its promises.”² Their platform included repealing the law of gravity, banning Canadian winters, and getting rid of the Rocky Mountains so “Albertans can see the Pacific sunset”.³

Though humorous and satirical, the Rhino Party is considered a legitimate political party under Canadian law. As long as they ran candidates in at least 50 ridings (see Figueroa), the Rhino Party was able to keep its status into the 90’s. Through its 30 year-long existence, no one from the Rhino Party was ever elected as an MP; they were not victorious in any riding.

Should the party have been allowed to exist in the first place? They have never had a successful candidate, and their platform is both outrageous and unrealistic.

Sections 24 and 28 of the Canada Elections Act legislates that to be a registered party, a party must have 50 candidates on the ballot. In the 2003 case of Figueroa v Canada, Figeuroa argued that the 50-candidate rule discriminated against smaller parties and was unconstitutional under s 3.⁴ The Supreme Court of Canada found that s. 3 does not provide unlimited participation in the political process.

“The mere fact that the legislation departs from absolute voter equality or restricts the capacity of a citizen to participate in the electoral process is an insufficient basis on which to conclude that it interferes with the right of each citizen to play a meaningful role in the electoral process.”⁵

The Court has clearly taken the position that although it understands the importance of section 3, it will not provide unlimited rights for participation in democracy. But should parties including the Rhino Party be allowed to run candidates?

However offensive as this may seem to some, fringe parties like the Rhino Party play an important role in the Canadian political scene. Sebastien Corriveau, the Rhino Party’s leader, hopes that his party’s approach to politics will help to “engage at least some Canadians in the democratic process”.⁶

"There are so many people who don't care about politics. If we can make them engage through humour, then that's okay," he said. "We always run for a majority government, but failing that, some comedy. There are some things worth saying that no one else can say."⁷

So perhaps it’s important to have these parties who are willing to take a different approach to politics, all in the name of the democracy.

¹“Rhinos and Pirates: A Look at Canada’s Federal Fringe Parties”, CTV News (30 August 2015), online: <www.ctvnews.ca/politics/rhinos-and-pirates-a-look-at-canada-s-federal-fringe-parties-1.2538158>.

²“Rhino Party Escapes Extinction to Run in September By-Election”, CBC News (7 August 2007), online: <https://web.archive.org/web/20121109030040/http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/story/2007/08/07/rhino-election.html>.

³“14 Weird Platform Promises From teh Now-Defunct Rhinoceros Party”, Maclean’s (30 August 2014), online: <www.macleans.ca/society/14-weird-platform-promises-from-the-now-defunct-rhinoceros-party/>.

⁴Figueroa v Canada (Attorney General), 2003 SCC 37.

⁵Ibid at para 36.

⁶Kathleen Harris, “Fringe Parties Fight to Spread Message, Sway Swing Ridings”, CBC News (29 August 2015), online: <www.cbc.ca/news/politics/canada-election-2015-fringe-parties-marijuana-1.3206935>.

⁷Ibid.

 

Liberal Party of Canada - New Constitution

This week, we examine some of the political parties in Canada. We start with the governing party, the Liberal Party of Canada, and its new internal constitution. Check back each day as we feature the Rhino Party, the NDP, the Libertarian Party, and the Conservative Party.

Coincidentally, as we recognize the 150th anniversary of Canada’s first constitution, the BNA Act, the leader of the Liberal Party is the son of the Prime Minister who patriated Canada’s new constitution in 1982. A constitution provides structure and guidance to lawmakers; it is their ultimate rulebook when drafting new laws and managing existing ones. Similarly, each political party also has a constitution to set out the parameters of its internal governance along with bylaw documents, similar to bylaws that corporate entities establish.

In 2016, the Liberal Party of Canada revamped their constitution, voted it in on May 28th, and put it into effect on January 1st, 2017.[1] The goal was to make membership in the party more accessible to a larger number of people and to create a permanent political campaign.[2] Among the changes are waiving the $10 member registration fee, increased participation in the policy development process, and allowing any registered Liberal member to attend conventions. This marks the first time that a major federal political party has offered free membership.[3]

The new 17-page constitution with its 10 bylaws replaces the previous 81-page document.[4] It streamlines the party’s bureaucracy, allowing readers to understand the party’s organization and increasing flexibility for individuals to participate in the political process.[5] The constitution’s preamble states that the Liberal Party “strives to provide a flexible and democratic structure whereby all Canadians can obtain [information and participate in] action both electoral and non-electoral.” The goal is to reach and include more individuals who will support the party in future elections.

The constitution was met with strong opposition. Despite its commitment to transparency and increased democracy, critics warned that the grassroots accessibility was not as promising as had been advertised. Some local party officials and regional members criticized the lack of openness, transparency, and consultation. They alleged that the executive was trying to “strong-arm” it into effect.[6] The party leader and top executives appeared to have expanded their concentrated power over campaigns and policy.[7] Critics argued this was a:

potentially controversial change that would discontinue the historic tradition of developing party policy positions for election campaigns through national convention debate and votes on resolutions from grassroots party members across the country.[8]

To alleviate these concerns the executive amended the constitution just hours before the vote and Trudeau addressed directly and publicly the allegations of increased centralized power.[9] The amendments and Trudeau’s speech to increase support were successful. Ultimately, the convention delegates voted strongly in favour: 1,988 to 66.

Although there was much opposition to this new constitution, members clearly saw the need for a complete overhaul. Criticism has been subdued but it is possible that it might arise again as the party moves forward under the new constitution. Having suffered election setbacks in the last few elections, the new governing structure might aid the Liberal Party in future elections.

 

[1] Liberal Party of Canada, “Towards a More Open Liberal Party” (2017), online: Federal Liberal Agency of Canada <https://www.liberal.ca/1party/towards-a-more-open-liberal-party/>.

[2] Lee Berthiaume, “A Leaner Liberal Machine: Trudeau Convinces Party Members to Sign off on New Constitution,” National Post (28 May 2016), online: Canada.com <news.nationalpost.com/news/canada/canadian-politics/trudeau-ready-to-take-the-stage-at-liberal-convention-where-members-have-concerns-about-new-constitution>.

[3] Ken Hanly, “Canadian Federal Liberal Party Adopts New Constitution,” Digital Journal (29 May 2016), online: digitaljournal.com <www.digitaljournal.com/news/politics/canadian-federal-liberal-party-adopts-new-constitution/article/466581>.

[4] Tim Naumetz, “Justin Trudeau, Party Brass Set to Gain More Power over Campaigns, Policy Under New Proposed Liberal Constitution,” Hill Times (15 April 2016), online: Hill Times Publishing <https://www.hilltimes.com/2016/04/15/justin-trudeau-party-brass-set-to-gain-more-power-over-campaigns-policy-under-new-proposed-liberal-constitution/58608#>.

[5] Hanly, supra note 3.

[6] Ibid.

[7] Naumetz, supra note 4.

[8] Ibid.

[9] Berthiaume, supra note 2.

Are Dementors Coming to Canada?

Separate from muggles (non-magical people), witches and wizards live their lives in secret. Hiding their magic from the non-wizarding community, they formed an entire world with schools, government agencies, and policing forces. Their existence is unknown to muggles as their government enacts laws to keep their identities and use of magic a secret.

Witches and Wizards live peacefully alongside No-Majs (Canadian and American muggles), attending the Calgary Stampede every summer, and skiing in the Rockies during the winter.

Similar to No-Maj Canada, serious offenders in the wizarding world are sent to prison. Across the pond in Britain, the guards of the magical prison, Azkaban, were Dementors (until the fall of Lord Voldemort, when they were replaced by specially trained wizards).

This begs the question: Could Dementors be validly employed as guards of Canadian wizarding prisons?

(For the purpose of this article I assume that all laws enacted in Britain for the wizarding population apply in Canada.)

Dementors have been called the scariest magical creature.¹ They feed on hope, happiness, and peace. They also “suck every good feeling, every happy memory” out of their victims. Many prisoners died in Azkaban, or turned insane from the Dementors.

The conditions at Azkaban were declared inhumane from the presence of Dementors, and would arguably breach s. 12 of the Charter: the right not to be subject to cruel and unusual punishment.²

In Canadian jurisprudence, cruel and unusual punishment is defined in R v Smith as “so excessive as to outrage standards of decency”, or “grossly disproportionate to what would have been appropriate.”³ The Court in Smith and later cases, provide guides to measure whether the punishment was proportional. Some of these include the the person’s characteristics, the seriousness of the crime, the objectives of the punishment, and how the individual would be impacted.⁴

Importantly, Canadian courts have made note that the test for a cruel and unusual punishment is deferential to the government and a finding of cruel and unusual should be rare.⁵

In Azkaban, all prisoners regardless of the crime are subject to the Dementors and their effects. This in-and-of-itself indicates that proportionality is an issue; the seriousness of the crime is not considered at all when prisoners are sent to Azkaban as they are subject to the same Dementor interaction.

In addition, the use of Dementors as prison guards could be deemed a form of psychological torture. Canada’s Criminal Code defines torture as “any act or omission by which severe suffering, whether mental or physical, is intentionally inflicted on a person”.⁶ Dementors purposefully breed on pain and suffering, driving prisoners to insanity and overwhelming them with their darkest, saddest memories. That most definitely constitutes a form of torture under the Criminal Code.

Torture is illegal in Canada under the Criminal Code, but is also declared cruel and unusual under s. 12 of the Charter. For these reasons and with acknowledgement of deferential judgments, I can conclude that the use of Dementors at Azkaban breaches prisoners s. 12 Charter rights to be free from cruel and unusual punishments.

However, Ministry action that breach Charter rights may be saved under s. 1, a justified infringement. The Ministry of Magic in Britain allowed Dementors to remain as the guards to Azkaban for hundreds of years for a number of policy reasons that must be acknowledged.

First, Dementors must feed on souls. By confining the creatures to the Island on which Azkaban is situated, it keeps them in a controlled area by allowing them to feed on prisoners’ souls. If Dementors were kicked off the Island, many fear that they would head for the cities to find souls to feed on, jeopardizing the souls of innocent witches and wizards.⁷

Second, they are incredibly effective prison guards.⁸ Prior to Azkaban’s existence, convicted witches and wizards would be sent to smaller prisons around Britain. Breakouts were common and the magical community feared breaching the International Statute of Secrecy when prisoners escaped and made a ruckus. Since Azkaban was built, only two prisoners have escaped.  

Third, Aurors (the specially trained wizards who now guard Azkaban) are an elite group of specially trained witches and wizards. They are the crème-de-la-crème of the wizarding world, and serve to protect. However, their use as prison guards at Azkaban is arguably a waste of resources. These magical people are specially trained to catch witches and wizards practicing in the Dark Arts. They are not trained in prison control or magic outside of the Dark Arts.

However, Dementors have declared their allegiance to Lord Voldemort; they allowed two mass breakouts of Death Eaters in support of He Who Shall Not Be Named. Though he is dead and gone, it is possible that another powerful evil wizard will come along and gain their support.

All this to say, it is not likely that the use of Dementors at Azkaban could be a justified infringement under the Charter given the policy factors discussed above.

Though I cannot in good conscience propose an alternative, Mr. Shacklebolt has agreed to listen to proposals from readers. He is expected to make the trip to Ottawa next week where he is taking appointments.

¹J.K. Rowling, “Why Dementors are the scariest magical creatures”, Pottermore (blog), online: <https://www.pottermore.com/features/why-dementors-are-the-scariest-magical-creatures>.

²Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Part I of the Constitution Act, 1982, being schedule B to the Canada Act 1982 (UK), 1982, c 11, s 12.

³R v Smith, [1987] 1 SCR 1045.

⁴Smith, supra note 3; R v Goltz, [1991] 3 SCR 485; R v Morrisey, 2000 SCC 39, [2000] 2 SCR 90.

⁵Steele v Mountain Institution, [1990] 2 SCR 1385.

⁶Criminal Code, RSC 1985, c C-46, s 269.1(2).

⁷J.K. Rowling, “Azkaban”, Pottermore (blog), online: <https://www.pottermore.com/features/why-dementors-are-the-scariest-magical-creatures>.

⁸Ibid.

 

A Young Warrior Becomes a Wise Leader

In support of Canada’s commitment to Reconciling its colonial history with Indigenous communities, this week we focus on Indigenous leaders during Confederation. Many Indigenous communities were displaced and disadvantaged as a result of colonialism and Confederation, and their stories are important to the development of Canada. We wrote about one well-known leader, Louis Riel, earlier this semester.

Today we biograph Red Crow, a chief of the Blood (or Kainai) Tribe who was a signatory to Treaty 7 in 1877.[1] But signing Treaty 7 should not be considered his greatest achievement; his commitment was not to Confederation or the government but to his tribe. Treaty 7 seemed to present a promising future for Red Crow’s people.

[2]

Red Crow had several descriptive monikers, including Captured the Gun Inside, Lately Gone, and Sitting White Buffalo. He earned his Blood Tribe adult name, Mékaisto, as a warrior against other Indigenous bands and tribes.[3] He was born around 1830 south of present-day Lethbridge, Alberta, and later died on August 28, 1900, in the same region.[4] Red Crow’s band chose him as chief after his uncle and father died of smallpox in 1869. As a strong and respected leader in his community he eventually became the leading chief of several bands, representing the Blood Tribe at the signing of Treaty 7.

Red Crow saw his fair share of violence during his life. His reputation as a warrior began in his youth, and he participated in more than 30 wars and raids against other Indigenous groups and against American settlers. Historian Hugh Dempsey writes that, as an old man, Red Crow asserted that he had never been wounded in battle by a bullet, arrow, axe, spear, or knife.[5]

Unfortunately, alcohol played a factor in the violence Red Crow experienced. Though his tribe traded with American whisky traders at first, the addictive and destructive effects of alcohol ultimately changed his tune. Red Crow worked alongside the North-West Mounted Police to try to end the otherwise convenient trade.[6] Members of his community struggled with alcohol abuse and traded buffalo robes at a fraction of their value. Red Crow killed his own brother “during an alcohol-fuelled argument,” as well as two other Indigenous men who attacked him when they were intoxicated.[7] Even one of his wives was killed as a bystander when an altercation arose between two intoxicated individuals.[8]

According to Dempsey, in his report for Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada, it is likely that Red Crow did not foresee the negative impacts that signing treaties would have on Indigenous communities.[9] It appears that his decision, and that of other Indigenous leaders, was clouded by the immediate benefits that the new government provided and promised, but he failed to foresee the future of Indigenous struggles as a result of the reserve-land system.

As European communities continued to settle in Alberta, Red Crow realized that his community’s nomadic lifestyle would be a challenge under Confederation. He became a successful farmer and helped support his followers on newly endowed reserve land.[10] As a respected warrior, local politician, and magistrate, Red Crow resolved disputes between the Blood, other tribes, and government agents. His interaction with government agents and, especially, his friendship with Mounted Police Commissioner James Farquharson Macleod spurred his acceptance of Treaty 7.

Red Crow realized that negotiation and treaties were necessary to create a peaceful future with other tribes and with the new Confederation government. However, his acceptance should not be mistaken for subservience or dependence on the government. Red Crow believed that as his community expanded their livelihoods through farming, ranching, and education, they would maintain their independence and pride.[11] He respected modern education and Christianity, but believed in his traditional customs and religion.[12] Unfortunately, living conditions for many rural reserve communities after Red Crow’s death would not have met his expectations.

Red Crow grew from a young, reckless warrior into a peaceful, patient negotiator, continuously demanding better living conditions for his band. His optimism and vision for future generations should serve as an inspiration in 2017 as we recognize #Canada150 and continue to work on #Reconciliation150.

 

[1] “Red Crow,” Native Leaders of Canada, New Federation House, online: <www.newfederation.org/Native_Leaders/Bios/Red_Crow.htm> [“Red Crow”].

[2] Municipal Plans and Bylaws, Oldman River Regional Services Commission, online: <www.orrsc.com/members-page/>.[3] Group Photograph of Nitai’kihtsipimi, M’kaisto, and North Axe, Blackfoot Digital Library, online: <https://www.blackfootdigitallibrary.com/publication/group-photograph-nitaikihtsipimi-mekaisto-and-north-axe>; Hugh A Dempsey, “Mékaisto,” 12 Dictionary of Canadian Biography (1990), University of Toronto/Université Laval, online: biographi.ca <www.biographi.ca/en/bio/mekaisto_12E.html>.

[4] Dempsey, ibid.

[5] Ibid.

[6] “Red Crow,” supra note 1.

[7] Historica Canada, “Red Crow,” Indigenous Peoples Collection, online: thecanadianencyclopedia.ca <www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/red-crow>.

[8] Dempsey, supra note 3.

[9] Canada, Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada, Treaties and Historical Research Centre, “Treaty Research Report – Treaty Seven (1877),” by Hugh A Dempsey (1987), online: INAC <https://www.aadnc-aandc.gc.ca/eng/1100100028789/1100100028791> [INAC].   

[10] Dempsey, supra note 3.

[11] Ibid; Historica Canada, supra note 7.

[12] “Red Crow,” supra note 1.

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University of Alberta Faculty of Law Blog: Happy Louis Riel Day!

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Interview with Provincial Court's Judge Judith Shriar

Today we expand on our Access-to-Justice themed week, with a discussion on Alberta’s court system. Today’s post emphasizes the role that the courts play in helping litigants navigate the legal process once they’ve been introduced to the system. When courts give better access to self-represented litigants, more people can afford to pursue a claim or defend a claim or charge before a judge.

We recently had the opportunity to interview the Honourable Judge Judith Shriar of the Provincial Court of Alberta. She sits in Calgary, as well as in regional areas near the city, on criminal and some civil matters.

Through her time on the bench, Judge Shriar has heard a variety of charges, litigants, and issues, though she noted that she hears a large number of drinking and driving related charges. Judge Shriar observed that men appear in her courtroom more often than women and she sees more younger defendants than older. She made special note that these demographics do not change drastically from urban to rural, or even reserve centres.

In our justice system, there is currently cause for concern for self-represented litigants to represent themselves in court. Judge Shriar noted that courts have implemented programs and resources to help litigants navigate the murky waters of the legal system. The Provincial Court has “done a great job of making tools available online for litigants to access,” Shriar said.  

She further recognized that these resources have allowed self-represented litigants to become better equipped to handle their cases in court.

“I do think that people often do a good job on their own. Especially when people are unrepresented you see that people have really thought through their claim… they’re organized.”

However, there are always those who “slip through the cracks.” Sometimes a self-represented litigant faces an uphill battle during a dispute against a litigant with an experienced lawyer. When asked whether the judiciary has a responsibility to ensure that litigants are on equal playing fields, Judge Shriar confirmed that, though her jurisdiction to intervene is limited, she does what is appropriate within her position as an impartial judge to make litigants aware of the resources available to them, and even to step in when necessary to prevent gross injustices.

Another common area of concern is an increasing strain on limited court resources. Judge Shriar agrees that with respect to both manpower and infrastructure, the scarcity of court resources is an issue. In light of this problem Judge Shriar explained how Calgary’s Provincial Court has implemented programming to combat and mitigate the effects of diminishing resources.

She called Calgary’s Provincial Court a “leader across the province and the country,” when dealing with diminishing resources. For example, to deal with small overburdened rural courtrooms, regional dispositions are sometimes moved to Calgary. Setting aside a day for this purpose has helped to save time and effectively utilize the resources currently in place.

Another example is the Provincial Court's use of technology. For example, the court’s use of CCTV has reduced the need to transport parties and witnesses to courts. This eases the burden on support staff like sheriffs, clerks, and drivers.

When asked about the future of the courts and litigants’ ability to access and navigate them, Judge Shriar is optimistic. Since she was called to the bench, she has noticed many changes that increase both the efficiency of the court system and assist the courts in reaching appropriate verdicts. Specifically, technology and alternative dispute mechanisms have alleviated some of the pressures on the court system, while providing litigants with appropriate tools in which to solve their dispute.

However, more can be done.

We asked Judge Shriar what next steps the courts might take to continue to solve some of the issues individuals face when accessing the justice system. She said that, “the delay issue is critical. There were 15 charges dropped in Edmonton by a crown prosecutor to address these delay issues.”

“The courts do have a role to play in the process of helping to address root causes,” she said, and accordingly, we are likely to see an increase in “therapeutic courts, matrimonial courts, drug courts, and experimental programs.”

These measures will continue to funnel litigants out of the courtrooms while still providing them with the appropriate oversight. Solving disputes before trial, through programs such as mediation or judicial dispute resolution, saves both litigants and the courts time and money.

The Canadian justice system faces obstacles and challenges to provide fair and affordable access to its resources. It is clear at this point that Calgary’s Provincial Court has taken significant steps forward, leading Canada’s courts toward a future with a more accessible and balanced system of litigation and dispute resolution.

Law School: How Hard can it be, Anyway?

Law schools are notoriously difficult to get into and the challenge increases over time as applications increase. Today’s post discusses the change in demographics in law schools since 1867. Only two Canadian law schools existed prior to Confederation; both in Quebec.

Women in Law

At, and shortly after, 1867 women could not participate in the legal system in what was then Upper Canada. Men exclusively ruled the law schools and the legal system until Clara Brett Martin came onto the scene. She petitioned the Law Society of Upper Canada to become the first female articling student but she was refused.¹

However, like other influential women of her time, Martin was persistent. She refused to take no for an answer and introduced a provincial bill to allow women to attend law school and practice law.

In 1893, Martin’s conviction changed the legal profession forever.Her bill was passed, allowing women to be admitted to the law society as solicitors.² Martin was admitted as a law student in the same year and helped pass legislation to allow women to become barristers. In 1897, she became the first female lawyer in the British Empire.

Martin opened the door for women to excel in law, which is reflected in Canadian law school demographics today. Since 2000 at the U of A, about half of all law students in the faculty are women.³

Aboriginal and Indigenous Lawyers

In 1954, William Wuttunee was the first Aboriginal person to graduate from law school in western Canada.⁴ A Cree man, Wuttunee worked tirelessly to develop Aboriginal law in Saskatchewan and later moved to the national scene.

On the west coast of Canada in BC, Aboriginal peoples were “pretty much restricted from becoming lawyers” until the 1950s.⁵ It was Alfred Scow who broke down that barrier, becoming both the first Indigenous law student and member of the bar in BC.⁶

Today, many law schools in Canada including the U of A have a separate application categories for Aboriginal law applicants. The schools recognize the persisting underrepresentation of Indigenous lawyers, and are working to correct the disparity.

Getting In

Though Canadian law schools have admitted more women and Aboriginal students since 1867, admission remains difficult. While some schools like the University of Calgary have moved to a more wholistic approach to admission, high grades and LSAT scores remain important.

The average U of A law student admitted in 2016 had a GPA of 3.8 out of 4.0 (based on the last 2 years of post-secondary courses) and an LSAT score of 161 out of 180.⁷ The LSAT did not exist in 1867.⁸

In addition to the demographic diversity, the applicant pool continues to grow. In 1848, 23 men petitioned McGill University to create a law school.⁹ In the last few years, , McGill rejected over 80% of applicants and U of A rejected about 85%.¹⁰

¹Constance Backhouse, Dictionary of Canadian Biography, (University of Torotono/Universite Laval, 2005) sub verbo “Martin, Clara Brett”, online: <www.biographi.ca/en/bio.php?id_nbr=7840>.

²John D. Blackwell, The Canadian Encylopedia, (2008) sub verbo “Clara Brett Martin”, online: <www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/clara-brett-martin/>.

³See the University of Alberta Faculty of Law JD Program FAQs, <www.ualberta.ca/law/admissions/juris-doctor/faq#WomenEnrolled>.

⁴Doug Cuthand, “Remembering William Wuttunee: Cree lawyer was a trailblazer”, CBC News (2 November, 2015), online: <www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/remembering-bill-wuttunee-1.3300662>.

⁵Yolande Cole, “B.C. judge Alfred Scow remembered as “aboriginal pioneer”, The Georgia Straight (8 March 2013), online: <www.straight.com/news/360396/bc-judge-alfred-scow-remembered-aboriginal-pioneer>.

⁶Allison Griner, “Aboriginal lawyers stride in footsteps of legal pioneer” (25 March 2013), online: <thethunderbird.ca/2013/03/25/aboriginal-lawyers-stride-in-footsteps-of-legal-pioneer/>.

⁷See the University of Alberta Faculty of Law JD Program applicant profile tab, <www.ualberta.ca/law/admissions/juris-doctor/applicant-profile>.

⁸William P. LaPiana, “A History of the Law School Admission Council and the LSAT”, (Keynote Address delivered at the 1998 LSAC Annual Meeting, 28 May 1998) [unpublished], online: www.lsac.org/docs/default-source/publications-(lsac-resources)/history-lsac-lsat.pdf.

⁹See McGill Faculty of Law’s “Our history” webpage, http://www.mcgill.ca/law/about/history.

¹⁰See the University of Alberta Faculty of Law JD Program FAQs, <www.ualberta.ca/law/admissions/juris-doctor/faq#AverageScores>.

Education Week: We have more Work to do Beyond “Celebrating” #Canada150

This week, as students at the University of Alberta Faculty of Law return to classes after Reading Break, The Dominion explores education in Canada. Today we make the case for strengthening Indigenous culture and history in Canadian school curricula and is in support of Calls to Action 7 to 16 of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada.

By excluding Indigenous culture and experience from school curricula we minimize the experiences of First Nations people. This makes it more difficult to break the “ripple effects”[1] of our colonial past. Last semester we wrote about Canada’s coercive assimilation policy under the Indian Act and the cultural genocide of residential schools. As many Canadians celebrate 150 years of the “birth” of their nation, they must be mindful of the original communities that colonists displaced. The effects of residential school abuse and forced adoption trauma remain with many survivors today and continue to impact subsequent generations.

Over the last 150 years, Canada created a hostile living environment for many First Nations people. Therefore, some Canadians note that the word “celebrate” does a disservice to people whose lives were impaired under the Indian Act.[2] Stephen Paquette is co-chair of Ontario’s Halton District School Board’s Indigenous Education Advisory Council. Paquette suggested to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and Ontario Premier Kathleen Wynne that we replace the word “celebrating” with “acknowledging.”[3]

Section 93 of the Constitution Act, 1867 gives provincial legislatures the jurisdiction to manage education.[4] The federal government has jurisdiction over education that occurs on federal First Nations reserves.[5] Unfortunately, federal per-student funding for First Nations students is less than the average provincial per-student funding for off-reserve education.[6]

In her article on transforming education in First Nations communities, Jessica Ball notes that incorporating into education Indigenous knowledge alongside Eurowestern theory, research, and practice can improve the education and employment positions of First Nations children.[7] Compared to the overall population, the First Nations population is young: 40% are under age 20.[8] This suggests that First Nations communities have a wealth of young minds to offer society.

Considering the recent history of residential schools and forced adoption, all Canadians can benefit from an inclusion of Indigenous knowledge. For Canada150, we can celebrate the Canada of which we are proud. But we can’t ignore the sacrifices that many families endured at the hands of colonial education systems. By “acknowledging” instead of “celebrating”, it forces us to recognize that our colonial government 150 years ago made some mistakes by attempting to manage the Indigenous population. Click here for ways that you can engage in reconciliation.

 

[1] Robert Laboucane, “Canada’s Aboriginal Education Crisis” (2010) 28:7 Windspeaker, online: The Aboriginal Multi-Media Society < http://www.ammsa.com/publications/windspeaker/canada%E2%80%99s-aboriginal-education-crisis-column>.

[2] Doreen Nicoll, “Canada 150: What’s for Indigenous People to ‘Celebrate,” exactly?” Now Toronto (22 February 2017), online: NOW Communications Inc <https://nowtoronto.com/news/canada-150-what-s-to-celebrate-for-indigenous-people/>.

[3] RSC, 1984, c I-5.

[4] 30 & 31 Victoria, c 3 (UK).

[5] Ibid, s 91(24).

[6] Laboucane, supra note 1 ; Don Drummond & Ellen Kachuck Rosenbluth, “The Debate on First Nations Education Funding: Mind the Gap” (2013) School of Policy Studies, Queen’s University, Working Paper No 49, online: https://qspace.library.queensu.ca/bitstream/handle/1974/14846/Drummond_et_al_2013_Debate_on_First_Nations.pdf;jsessionid=47F565DE66243A277E4D98969FAAE902?sequence=1>. But see Ravina Bains, Myths and Realities of First Nations Education (2014) Fraser Institute Centre for Aboriginal Policy Studies, online: Fraser Institute  https://www.fraserinstitute.org/sites/default/files/myths-and-realities-of-first-nations-education.pdf> (“elementary and secondary students on reserve receive on average the same amount as other Canadian students, an in some cases more”).

[7] Jessica Ball, “As if Indigenous Knowledge and Communities Mattered: Transformative Education in First Nations Communities in Canada,” 28:3 The American Indian Quarterly 454, online: <https://doi.org/10.1353/aiq.2004.0090>.

[8] Ibid at 455.

Promoting Cultural Diversity on International Mother Language Day

 

We continue our week of notable Canadian dates with coverage of International Mother Language Day. Did you know that February 21st is actually a significant day throughout the world? Eighteen years ago the United Nations declared February 21st International Mother Language Day to celebrate and promote cultural diversity, multiculturalism, and multilingualism.¹

 

International Mother Language Day was created to help preserve linguistic diversity and encourage individuals to celebrate their unique cultures. There are roughly 7,000 unique languages spoken worldwide with 96% spoken by only 4% of the world’s population.²  Further, of the 7,000 languages only a few hundred are used in formal education systems, and even fewer are used in the digital media world.³ These statistics suggest that international awareness and appreciation of these cultures should to be encouraged. This is why the UN formally recognizes International Mother Language Day to raise awareness of minority language issues and encourage individuals to continue to pass on their unique languages.

 

Mayor Don Iveson formally recognized International Mother Language Day in the city of Edmonton in 2015. Over a third of Edmontonians speak a language other than French or English in their homes.⁴ As a multicultural nation, the city believed that they had a duty to promote, encourage, and accept the use of non-official languages. Mayor Iveson believes that “Keeping languages alive is important for the richness of our culture and the diversity that strengthens Edmonton.”⁵

 

The theme for 2017 is “Towards Sustainable Futures through Multilingual Education.”⁶ The goal this year is to promote the availability of multilingual education throughout the world. UNESCO Director-General Irina Bokova has launched an appeal for the use of “multilingual education to be acknowledged everywhere, in education and administrative systems, in cultural expressions and the media, cyberspace and trade."⁷ Bokova believes that increasing the availability of multilingual education will help prepare students for success. Students learn fundamental reading and writing skills in school but these skills are fostered when they are able to learn them in their mother tongue.⁸ Thus, increasing the number of languages in these institutions is necessary.

 

We hope that International Mother Languages Day will continue to raise awareness for minority language issues. We are excited to see how the UN appeal unfolds, and hopefully more language education options become available.

 

¹ “International Mother Language Day 21 February” (2016), United Nations, online: <www.un.org/en/events/motherlanguageday/>.

² Ibid.

³ Ibid.

⁴ Claire Theobold, “International Mother Language Day declared in Edmonton”, Edmonton Sun (21 February 2015), online: <www.edmontonsun.com/2015/02/21/international-mother-language-day-declared-in-edmonton>.

⁵ Ibid.

⁶ “International”, supra note 1.

⁷ Ibid

⁸ Ibid.