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TRC 5 Years Later: Aboriginal Peoples Television Network

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

Today we examine a non-governmental response to the Calls to Action with Call 85. This Call states:

 

85. We call upon the Aboriginal Peoples Television Network, as an independent non-profit broadcaster with programming by, for, and about Aboriginal peoples, to support reconciliation, including but not limited to:

i. Continuing to provide leadership in programming and organizational culture that reflects the diverse cultures, languages, and perspectives of Aboriginal peoples.

 

ii. Continuing to develop media initiatives that inform and educate the Canadian public, and connect Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Canadians.

 

The Aboriginal Peoples Television Network (APTN) was the first national Indigenous broadcaster in the world.^[1] APTN broadcasts over 85% Canadian content in over 10 million households and commercial establishments.^[2] APTN National News offers daily news programming and weekly investigative news shows that provide “in-depth series and special coverage on topics that matter.”^[3] APTN “looks beyond the headlines and offers context and a historical perspective.”^[4]

 

One look at the APTN News homepage tells you that their programming continues to represent the perspectives and causes of Indigneous peoples. A running list of topics at the top of the page provides quick links to coverage of Indigenous issues such as “Mi’kmaw Fishing Rights”, “Joyce Echaquan”, “Wet’suwet’en Crisis”, and “MMIWG”. Their featured stories on February 24, 2021 include news about Indigenous artists, Indigenous Services Canada, and water issues in First Nations. There is no question that APTN keeps Indigenous issues at the forefront of our minds, even when non-Indigenous news providers have gone silent on these matters.

 

The network continues to provide non-news content that reflects the diversity and language of Indigenous peoples. APTN’s Indigenous movie line-up includes films like, “Another Country”, “Dream Storm”, “Maliglutit”, and “Te Ata”.^[5] They also offer an on-demand channel called “lumi” that features Indigenous television, including shows in French and many different Indigenous languages. By broadcasting shows in Indigenous languages, APTN is actively contributing to the preservation of these languages and improving the accessibility of its content to Indigenous viewers.

 

APTN’s employees reflect the diverse mosaic of Indigenous cultures in Canada. The majority of APTN’s news team includes journalists who are members of First Nations across Canada or identify as Indigenous. All of their news anchors identify as Métis, their director is an Anishinaabe/Cree woman, and the producers are majority Indigenous.

 

In response to Call 85(ii), APTN has teamed up with the Canadian Association of Journalists to recognize exemplary journalism that educates and informs Canadians about Indigenous experiences. The APTN / CAJ Reconciliation Award “seeks to recognize the work of a non-Indigenous journalist whose reporting has broadened the understanding of the relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples.”^[6] The 2019 winner of the award was Christopher Curtis of the Montreal Gazette, who won for his coverage of the work of Air Inuit captain Melissa Haney.

 

It was a pleasure to research the work of APTN this week. Team ReconciliAction came away with not only respect for the network, but a few new Indigenous television shows to view! APTN receives an “A” for continuing to support reconciliation, preserving Indigenous languages, and promoting new media initiatives like their lumi streaming app and the Indigenous Journalism Award that connect and inform the Canadian public.

 

 

Until Next Time,

ReconciliAction YEG

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^[1] APTN, online: https://corporate.aptn.ca/.

^[2] Ibid.

^[3] Ibid.

^[4] Manitoba Media Directory (2012), online (pdf): http://www.mbtenpinfed.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/2012_manitoba_media_directory_final_cdrom_version1.pdf at 93.

^[5] APTN, online: https://www.aptn.ca/movies/.

^[6] The Canadian Association of Journalists, online: https://caj.ca/Award_categories.

Justice For Cindy Gladue: The Barton Trial Verdict

(Artwork by Jon Labillois)

 

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

“Me & my sisters were close to my mom, we told her everything, she was like our best friend. She was such a helpful person, she would cook sometimes & she loved baking. She always cooked grandma breakfast. My mom was really good at drawing & she liked writing too. It’s hard for me & my sisters growing up with out our mom here, we all miss her so much.” – Brandy (Cindy Gladue’s Daughter)^[1]

(Cindy Gladue, pictured with her daughters. Image Credit: KATHRYN BLAZE CARLSON, “More than a tragic headline: Cindy Gladue dreamt of a happy life”, (15 May 2015), online: The Globe and Mail <https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/the-death-and-life-of-cindy-gladue/article24455472/>.

We at Team ReconciliAction discussed sharing our perspective on the trial, defence strategies, and the traumatic evidence that told the story of the night Cindy Gladue was killed.  Instead, we have decided to embrace the morsel of justice for Cindy that came on February 18, when a jury found Bradley Barton guilty of manslaughter for causing the injuries that Cindy Gladue died from.

There were some differences this time around during the trial. First, we think it important to note that most involved in the trial were more conscious of Cindy Gladue as a human being first and foremost.[2] This is in stark contrast to the dehumanizing language and evidence presented in the first trial and highlights a long overdue recognition of bias in the legal system.  Importantly, Justice Hillier gave instruction about bias and stereotypes against Indigenous women and against sex workers at various points in the trial.  These statements were taken seriously enough by at least one juror, who reported statements made by another juror that could demonstrate a bias against sex work.[3]  Ultimately both of these jurors were dismissed from the jury to ensure that personal views about sex work would not taint the deliberations of the jury.[4]

Another major difference was that Barton’s internet search history, which contained searches for violent pornography similar to the type of activity that would cause injuries that killed Cindy Gladue, was allowed into evidence.[5]  In the first trial, this evidence was found to be too prejudicial in comparison to any probative value.

Despite the effort to remain sensitive to Cindy’s humanity, the trial could not escape the graphic and violent details of her tragic death.  Cindy’s loved ones, jurors, media, and other trial participants were subjected to horrific images and testimony and forced to relive the loss and trauma an entire decade later.  A guilty verdict is a step toward justice for Cindy, but the damage has been done.  Cindy was the victim of a violent act that killed her, and then was victimized again and again and again by a legal system that has never been designed to bring justice to Indigenous people, and to Indigenous victims of crime. 

To date, Cindy is one of thousands of Indigenous women who have gone missing or been murdered in Canada. 

Thousands.[6] 

The disappearances and killings of thousands of Indigenous women has been an epidemic in Canada since the earliest days of colonialism. 

Thousands. 

(Image Credit: Kairos Canada)

The grief of Cindy’s loved ones is intergenerational, and the sheer number of women lost is demonstrative of the value given to the lives of Indigenous women. These women are life givers, they are loved and they are needed. They are language speakers and knowledge keepers.  They are mothers, and kokums and cousins and sisters and they are the most beloved of Aunties.  And far too many of them are gone. 

When we think of Justice for Cindy Gladue, we do not feel a guilty verdict amounts to justice.  We do not yet know what consequence Bradley Barton will face for causing Cindy’s death, and we do not yet know if there will be an appeal.  But we do know that no amount of legal proceedings will give Cindy back to her family and friends.  And we know that as long as Indigenous women continue to be murdered and go missing at disproportionate rates, Indigenous women, including Cindy, do not have justice.

 

Until Next Time,

ReconciliAction YEG

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[1] Muriel Stanley Venne et al, OUR BREAKING POINT: Canada’s Violation of Rights in Life and Death (Edmonton, Alberta: Institute for The Advancement of Aboriginal Women, 2016) at 6.

[2] Kathleen Martens, “Lawyer for the family on hand to guard victim’s memory”, (2 February 2021), online: APTN News <https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/cindy-gladue/>.

[3] Jonny Wakefield, “Guilty verdict in Bradley Barton trial: Ontario trucker convicted of killing Cindy Gladue in Edmonton hotel room in 2011”, (20 February 2021), online: Edmonton Journal <https://edmontonjournal.com/news/local-news/jury-decides-fate-of-man-facing-manslaughter-for-2011-death-of-cindy-gladue-at-edmonton-hotel>.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Muriel Stanley Venne et al, supra note 1 at 26;  This resource contains an 11 page non-comprehensive list of the names of missing and murdered Indigenous women .

Re: TRC Call to Action #84 – Indigenous Voices in Radio and Reconciliation

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada’s (TRC) Call to Action #84 calls on the government to increase and restore funding to the media to provide a voice for positive change through respectful and meaningful media coverage. Call to Action #84 states:

We call upon the federal government to restore and increase funding to the CBC/Radio-Canada, to enable Canada’s national public broadcaster to support reconciliation, and be properly reflective of the diverse cultures, languages, and perspectives of Aboriginal peoples, including, but not limited to:

    i. Increasing Aboriginal programming, including Aboriginal-language speakers.

  ii. Increasing equitable access for Aboriginal peoples to jobs, leadership positions, and professional development opportunities within the organization.

  iii. Continuing to provide dedicated news coverage and online public information resources on issues of concern to       Aboriginal peoples and all Canadians, including the history and legacy of residential schools and the reconciliation process. ^[1]

CBC/Radio -Canada is a national public broadcaster and one of Canada’s largest cultural institutions. It plays a vital role by providing access to programs and services across the country. CBC Radio purports to be a leader in reaching Canadians on new platforms and delivering a broad range of services that offer diverse regional and cultural perspectives. Considering CBC Radio’s considerable reach across the nation, it is no surprise that the  TRC felt it should be included in the Calls to Action.^[2]

In Budget 2016, the Government of Canada reinvested $675 million in CBC/Radio Canada over 5 years. This amount was supposed to include initiatives for Indigenous programming and services. To be clear, the amount was not exclusively for Indigenous programming, so the amount allocated for Indigenous media initiatives and services is discretionary. .^[3]

In its 2016-2017 Annual Report, CBCRadioCanada reported that the additional funding from Budget 2016 enabled key Indigenous initiatives such as creating additional Indigenous content (including  its digital portal Espaces autochtones), and hiring local Indigenous staff in Yellowknife for the digitization of decades of audio programming in 8 Indigenous languages: Dene Suline, Inuktitut, Inuvialuktun, Chipewyan, North Slavey, South Slavey, Gwich'in and Eastern Cree.^[4]

To date, CBC is the only broadcaster to offer Indigenous language news and information services across TV, radio and digital platforms in Canada’s North in the 8 languages listed above, reaching over a hundred northern communities. 

CBC claims that its commitment is to reflect and represent Canada’s Indigenous communities and to create programming by and for Indigenous Peoples. CBC North broadcasts 211 hours per week with 125 of those hours on indigenous language and has made considerable efforts to digitized content in collaboration with Indigenous people to provide accessible archives.^[5] In addition, there are great programs such as “Unreserved”^[6] with Rosanna Deerchild which promotes discussion and conversation between Canada’s Indigenous and non-Indigenous people on Radio One, and Lisa Charleyboy’s New Fire^[7] podcast focused on stories of Indigenous youth on CBC Radio.

It is a pleasant change to see the money set out for CBC Radio programming being put to good use, even though the money was not specifically allocated for Indigenous programming.  We look forward to more initiatives that provide access to Indigenous voices on the radio and other associated media forums.

Closer to home, we have seen a new Indigenous radio station, The Raven CIWE 89.3 launched in Edmonton just this month and will join Edmonton-based CFWE FM and Calgary-based CJWE FM as part of the Windspeaker Radio group. There is no government funding for this station; they have basically started from scratch. But are excited to create spaces and utilize the incredible talent they have in their organization.^[8] It would be a stronger act of reconciliation if the government didn’t stop at CBC Radio with funding but also provided funding to Indigenous-based media groups that reflect a grassroots perspective that hit at the heart of Indigenous issues and stories, like The Raven. Yet with the slow pace of government progress on the Calls to Action, we will not hold our breath.

Until Next Time,

Team ReconciliAction YEG

 

[1] Canada, Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Honouring the Truth and Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. Winnipeg: The Commission, 2015 [TRC Report].

[2] Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, “Federal budget 2016 and reinvestment in CBC/Radio-Canada” (Mar 16, 2016) online: NewsWire <https://www.newswire.ca/news-releases/federal-budget-2016-and-reinvestment-in-cbcradio-canada-573134991.html>.

[3] Government of Canada, “Media and Reconciliation” (Sep 5, 2019) online: <https://www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1524505692599/1557513408573.>

[4] Ibid.

[5] CBC, “Indigenous Refection and Representation” (August 2018), online: <https://site-cbc.radio-canada.ca/documents/vision/strategy/submission/appendix-e-cbc-radio-canada-indigenous.pdf>.

[6] CBC, “Unreserved” online:< http://www.cbc.ca/radio/unreserved>. 

[7] CBC, “New Fire” online:<http://www.cbc.ca/radio/newfire>

[8] Emily Mertz, “New Indigenous radio station The Raven launches in Edmonton: ‘It was emotional” (1 Feb 2021) online:Globalnews.ca <https://globalnews.ca/news/7613364/indigenous-radio-station-the-raven/> . 

Art and Reconciliation

This year, ReconciliAction YEG has been able to accompany some of our posts with meaningful art that represents the themes within the Truth and Reconciliation Committee Calls to Action. Today, we will be evaluating Call to Action #83, which recognizes the importance of this artwork towards reconciliation. The Call is as follows:

83. We call upon the Canada Council for the Arts to establish, as a funding priority, a strategy for Indigenous and non-Indigenous artists to undertake collaborative projects and produce works that contribute to the reconciliation process.

The Canada Council for the Arts (CCA) funds public art in Canada. Its stated mandate is “to foster and promote the study and enjoyment of, and the production of works in, the arts.” ^[1] Art plays a central role to culture. It allows artists to share their experiences and, in turn, allows audiences to grasp a deeper meaning of these experiences. As such, the role of art in reconciliation is extremely important.

(A painting representing various Indigenous cultures, made by Kelsi Bartake, Jordan Raymond and grade 12 students, Bethlehem Catholic High School, Saskatoon, SK, from https://en.ccunesco.ca/our-priorities/reconciliation/let-s-talk-about-reconciliation) 

As part of its response to Call to Action #83, the CCA created the Creating, Knowing, and Sharing: The Arts and Cultures of First Nations, Inuit, and Métis Peoples program. This program recognizes the cultural sovereignty and self-determination of Indigenous peoples by funding artistic and cultural activities. ^[2] This funding includes micro grants for small scale projects, short and long term projects, and Indigenous organizations. Click here to see some of the projects funded through this program.

A refreshing aspect of CCA’s response to Call to Action #83 is how transparent the council is with funding and initiatives. As of 2019-2020, $19.3 million dollars have been invested by the council towards supporting Indigenous creation. ^[3] As a result, Team ReconciliAction YEG is happy to award an A to this Call to Action! The CCA’s commitment is a great example of how transparency, accountability and involvement of stakeholders can result in the timely completion of a Call to Action.

Until next time,

Team ReconciliAction YEG

¹Canada Council for the Arts, “Commitments: Indigenous” (2021) online: <canadacouncil.ca/commitments/indigenous>.

²Canada Council for the Arts, “Creating, Knowing and Sharing: The Arts and Cultures of First Nations, Inuit and Métis Peoples” (2021) online: <https://canadacouncil.ca/funding/grants/creating-knowing-sharing>.

³Ibid.

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Calls to Action on Public Monuments

 

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

 

When a statue of John A. Macdonald was toppled in Montreal this past summer, there were no words lost from politicians and political commentators across the country.^[1] Before he was a statue, John A Macdonald was the father of both confederacy and of the residential school program - devoting a great deal of his political legacy to the forced assimilation of Indigenous people and, in his own words, to preserving the “Aryan character of the future of British America."^[2]

 

Photo: Graham Hughes - Canadian Press

 

When the statue of John A. Macdonald fell in Montreal, the public spotlight was again cast on Macdonald’s racist legacy. With this spotlight came Macdonald’s most fierce defenders and apologists. A group of 130 historians and Canadian politicians published a statement called ‘in the Defence of Sir John A Macdonald and his Legacy,’^[3] while the Premier of Alberta decried that the statue toppling was done by a ‘roving band of thugs to vandalize our history with impunity,’ and offered to re-erect the statue at the Alberta Legislature Building.^[4]

 

It may very well not be the physical bronze statue itself that people care so deeply about, but rather who and what is chosen by governments to be commemorated in public spaces. Monuments are important. Calls to Action #81 and #82 are aimed at the federal government and each provincial government to collaboratively install public monuments to commemorate Residential School Survivors.

 

81. We call upon the federal government, in collaboration with Survivors and their organizations, and other parties to the Settlement Agreement, to commission and install a publicly accessible, highly visible, Residential Schools National Monument in the city of Ottawa to honour Survivors and all the children who were lost to their families and communities.

82. We call upon provincial and territorial governments, in collaboration with Survivors and their organizations, and other parties to the Settlement Agreement, to commission and install a publicly accessible, highly visible, Residential Schools Monument in each capital city to honour Survivors and all the children who were lost to their families and communities.

 

Public memorials and statues in Ottawa have been a consistent and lingering talking point in federal politics since the Calls to Action were made, yet there has been no public discussion by elected officials on call #81. Shortly after the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s Calls to Action were made the Harper government did move forward with plans to commission a prominently displayed public statue, however they chose instead to spend a planned $5.5 million dollars to commemorate global victims of communism.^[5] Current Alberta Premier Jason Kenney, forever a statue enthusiast, spearheaded this initiative while a member of that previous federal government. ^[6] Its been five years and neither federal government has made any strides towards call #81.

 

In the neighboring province of Saskatchewan, construction has started on a provincial monument to commemorate residential school survivors.^[7] The province of Alberta, however, receives a failing grade. While the provincial government is yet to make any movement towards Call to Action #82, the most prominent comments in regards to any monument made by the provincial government has been an offer to bring the Montreal Macdonald statue to be displayed at the Alberta Legislature, quite possibly the complete opposite action of what Call #82 sets out.

 

 

Until Tomorrow,

 

Team ReconciliAction

 

 

[1] Sarah Rieger, "Jason Kenney says Alberta would re-erect John A. Macdonald statue toppled in Montreal" CBC News (29 August 2020) online: <https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/calgary/jason-kenney-john-a-macdonald-1.5705287>. 

[2] House of Commons Debates, 3-1, (05 May 1885) at 1589 (John A. Macdonald). 

[3] Macdonald-Laurier Institue, "in the Defence of Sir John A Macdonald and his Legacy" Editorial Comment, (2021) online: <https://www.macdonaldlaurier.ca/defence-sir-john-macdonald-legacy/>. 

[4] Jason Kenney, "4/ to allow roving bands of thugs to vandalize our history with impunity.,," (29 August 2020 at 14:52), online: <https://twitter.com/jkenney/status/1299812161766658054>. 

[5] See generally: Joanne Laucius, "Victims of Communism Memorial: a decade in the making" Ottawa Citizen (09 November 2018), online: <https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/victims-of-communism-memorial-a-decade-in-the-making> ; Roy Macgregor, "New Victims of Communism memorial in Ottawa a looming disaster" Globe & Mail (30 January 2015), online: <https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/new-victims-of-communism-memorial-in-ottawa-a-looming-disaster/article22730797/>.

[6] Ibid. 

[7] Staff, "Residential School monument coming to Government House" CTV News, (27 January 2021) online: <https://regina.ctvnews.ca/residential-school-monument-coming-to-government-house-1.5284279?cache=>.

5 Years After TRC: Establishing a National Day for Truth and Reconciliation

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

In 2014, the UN Special Rapporteur in the field of Cultural Rights, Farida Shaheed, observed that most commemorations of Indigenous peoples’ experience have been initiated by Indigenous people.^[1] The report found that “state authorities have a key role to play in the commemoration process.”^[2] The state has the capacity to develop long-term memorial policies that “[promote] civic engagement, critical thinking and stimulating discussions on the representation of the past, as well as contemporary challenges of exclusion and violence.”^[3] For these reasons, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission issued Call to Action 80 to the Canadian government to initiate a statutory holiday and associated public commemoration as an opportunity for national healing and education.^[4]

 

Call to Action 80 states:

80 We call upon the federal government, in collaboration with Aboriginal peoples, to establish, as a statutory holiday, a National Day for Truth and Reconciliation to honour Survivors, their families, and communities, and ensure that public commemoration of the history and legacy of residential schools remains a vital component of the reconciliation process.

 

On September 29, 2020, the Minister of Canadian Heritage introduced Bill C-5. If passed, the bill will establish a National Day for Truth and Reconciliation for federally regulated workers. On the proposed date of September 30, the federal statutory holiday will “honour [residential school] survivors, their families and communities.”^[5] You may recognize this date as “Orange Shirt Day”, an Indigenous-led initiative that already takes place on September 30th each year to commemorate the children who attended residential schools. Bill C-5 received unanimous assent during its second reading in the House of Commons on November 2, 2020.^[6]

 

Interestingly, this is not the first attempt to pass a bill to create a National Day for Reconciliation. Members of Parliament affiliated with the Conservative Party and the People’s Party voted unanimously against Bill-C-369 in the House of Commons in 2018 (Yea: 202, Nay: 79).^[7] The response speech from MP Cathy McLeod indicates that the Conservative Party’s sole concern was the associated costs of the holiday.^[8] When the bill was sent to Senate Chambers, it only received a first reading on April 2, 2019.^[9] Bill C-369 died on the order paper when Parliament dissolved for the summer.

 

It is important that this day not become just another paid holiday for workers. We hope that the federal government’s provision of funds for public commemoration keeps Canadians’ focus on the purpose behind the National Day for Truth and Reconciliation, similar to our collective observance of Remembrance Day.

 

The federal government provided $7 million through the Canadian Heritage’s Celebration and Commemoration Program to support non-governmental and community events to commemorate the history and legacy of residential schools.^[10] Applications for this funding have now closed, but 200 organizations and communities will receive funding under the program.^[11]

 

The federal government receives credit for twice introducing legislation to create a National Day for Truth and Reconciliation. We hope that Bill C-5 does not die on the order paper like its predecessor. The now defunct federal funding program to commemorate the history and legacy of residential schools was a welcome initiative, but we would like to see additional funding allocated for ongoing public commemoration, especially if and when the federal statutory holiday receives Royal Assent. We award the Canadian government a “B” for Call 80.

 

Until Next Week,

Team ReconciliAction

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^[1] Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015, at 289.

^[2] Ibid.

^[3] Ibid.

^[4] Ibid at 290.

^[5] Canada, Canadian Heritage, “Government of Canada Introduces Legislation to Establish National Day for Truth and Reconciliation”, online: https://www.canada.ca/en/canadian-heritage/news/2020/09/government-of-canada-introduces-legislation-to-establish-national-day-for-truth-and-reconciliation.html

^[6] Parliament of Canada, “Recorded Votes”, online: https://www.parl.ca/LegisInfo/BillDetails.aspx?Language=E&billId=10870098&View=5

^[7] Parliament of Canada, “Vote No. 888”, online: https://www.ourcommons.ca/Members/en/votes/42/1/888.

^[8] House of Commons Debates, 42-1, No 272 (20 March 2018) at 1910 (Mrs. Cathy McLeod).

^[9] “Bill C-369, An Act to amend the Bills of Exchange Act, the Interpretation Act and the Canada Labour Code (National Day for Truth and Reconciliation)”, 1st reading, Senate of Canada, 42-1, vol 150, issue 275 (2 April 2019) at 1440.

^[10] Canada, Canadian Heritage, “Minister Guilbeault Announces Support for 200 Projects Aimed at Commemorating the History and Legacy of Residential Schools” (30 September 2020), online: https://www.canada.ca/en/canadian-heritage/news/2020/09/minister-guilbeault-announces-support-for-200-projects-aimed-at-commemorating-the-history-and-legacy-of-residential-schools.html

^[11] Ibid.

5 Years After TRC: The Gaps in Public Memory

(Image: Shutterstock)

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

Public memory is how we frame history and share knowledge of the past through generations. It is not merely history, because memories are subjective, personal and can take on or create meaning. History, though, is just factual and objective past events.   Public memory has been the subject of the Mandela effect, which is an interesting phenomena where the collective memory is not aligned with factual history.  Examples of this include public recollection of Nelson Mandela’s death in prison in the 1980s when he actually died in 2013; or remembering the children’s book series spelled as ‘Berenstein Bears’ instead of the correct Berenstain Bears.

Often, history is deliberately framed in a way that influences or selectively erases the public memory of that history.  For example, Martin Luther King, Jr.’s “I have a dream” speech has been widely emphasized and recontextualized in a way that uncomplicates and de-radicalizes the complexity of the civil rights movement of the 60’s in the US.^[1]  Public memory leans on the non-violent protest methods advocated by MLK in a revisionist manner and regularly omits that non-violence did not mean inaction.^[2]  Rather, King advocated collective civil disobedience as a form of gaining the power needed to make real change.  Likewise, public memory remembers Rosa Parks as the unassuming woman who refused to sit where she was told, when Parks could more accurately be described as a strong and seasoned freedom fighter who devoted much of her life to civil rights activism.^[3]

“Public memory is important. It is especially important to recognize that the transmission of that collective memory from generation to generation of First Nations, Inuit, and Métis individuals, families, and communities was impaired by the actions of those who ran residential schools”^[4]

This type of revisionist rhetoric is prevalent where colonial patriotism is a dominant cultural perspective.  In Canada, generations of us were taught that Canada came into existence when European settlers migrated here and built undiscovered land into a nation.  Of course, the history of this land extends well beyond its colonization.  The original inhabitants of this land have a history dating back to time immemorial.  This history includes events and places of great importance.  It includes languages, ceremony, battle, treaties, famous people and famous places. This history also extends into the post-colonial era, including the birth and rise of the Metis/Michif people as a distinct nation, and the resulting moves by the colonial government to extinguish and disenfranchise the Metis. It includes First Nations and Inuit as targets for annihilation by colonizers who viewed themselves as superior. First through the deliberate segregation and starvation of Indigenous people, then through the abduction of Indigenous children placed in residential schools and who were lucky to survive at all, let alone with intact public memory of time immemorial.

Public memory is preserved through oral and archival history, public speeches, monuments, museums, and commemorative events.  Until recently, public memory has been viciously skewed to the colonial perspective of history.  Call to Action #79 aims to remedy this skewed public memory, by including other perspectives on the history of this land to develop a more fulsome and true to history version of the collective memory going forward.

Call #79 demands collaboration with Indigenous voices to develop a framework for heritage and commemoration which includes at minimum:

• Amending the Historic Sites and Monuments Act to include First Nations, Inuit, and Métis representation on the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada and its Secretariat.
• Revising the policies, criteria, and practices of the National Program of Historical Commemoration to integrate Indigenous history, heritage values, and memory practices into Canada’s national heritage and history.
• Developing and implementing a national heritage plan and strategy for commemorating residential school sites, the history and legacy of residential schools, and the contributions of Aboriginal peoples to Canada’s history.^[5]

To date, the first leg of this call has been proposed via Bill 374, An Act to Amend the Historic Sites and Monuments Act (Composition of the board). While this amendment has never come into force, the spirit of it was noted with the appointment of a First Nations, Inuk, and Metis member in July of 2018.  The last activity on this bill was in 2018, and it appears to have died after that.  Legislation guaranteeing this board composition is critical to ensuring the long term impact and inclusion of Indigenous voices.^[6]  The third leg has been delegated to Parks Canada, which did develop a framework for a national heritage plan that was backed by federal funding in 2019.^[7] 

The second leg is not yet completed.  While the importance of commemoration and heritage recognition that integrates Indigenous values has been acknowledged, this has not been codified.  Part of reconciliation may involve acceptance that commemoration activity may not align with the colonial heritage perspectives that focus on preservation.  For example, while several former residential schools have been reclaimed as heritage sites, the Île-à-la-Crosse Residential School was demolished in 2016 as part of a commemoration ceremony.^[8]

In the end, Canada has not yet done enough to ensure the development of a more honest public memory, and we must assign a grade of ‘C-‘ on Call to Action #79.

 

Until Next Time,

ReconciliAction YEG

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[1] Matthew Houdek & Kendall R Phillips, “Public Memory” (2017) Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Communication, online: <https://oxfordre.com/communication/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228613.001.0001/acrefore-9780190228613-e-181>.

[2] April Reign, “For Martin Luther King Jr., Nonviolent Protest Never Meant ‘Wait and See’”, (12 January 2018), online: History Reads <https://www.history.com/news/for-martin-luther-king-jr-nonviolent-protest-never-meant-wait-and-see>.

[3] Jeanne Theoharis, “How history got the Rosa Parks story wrong”, Washington Post (1 December 2015), online: <https://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2015/12/01/how-history-got-the-rosa-parks-story-wrong/>.

[4] Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. (Ottawa: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015) at 268.

[5] Ibid at 291.

[6] Historic Sites and Monuments Act, R.S.C., 1985, c. H-4, https://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/eng/acts/H-4/Full Text.html,

[7] Government of Canada; Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada, “Commemoration”, (23 April 2018), online: <https://www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1524505403680/1557513866487>.

[8] CBC News, “The state of Canada’s former residential school buildings”, (26 September 2017), online: CBC News <https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/multimedia/the-state-of-canada-s-former-residential-school-buildings-1.4307508>.

Re: Call to Action #74 – Bringing our Children Home

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

74. We call upon the federal government to work with the churches and Aboriginal community leaders to inform the families of children who died at residential schools of the child’s burial location, and to respond to families’ wishes for appropriate commemoration ceremonies and markers, and reburial in home communities where requested.

The profound loss attached to the separation of children who attended residential schools and never came home is a source of endless grief for those they left behind. Not knowing where burial locations are, is a constant weight on First Nations communities across Canada. There can never be meaningful reconciliation until Canada fulfills this Call to Action and the government and churches work together with families to help provide closure or some measure of peace. Such that can be achieved by sacred commemoration ceremonies or markers and when possible, reburial in home communities. 

What are the actual numbers of deceased children from the residential school system? Former Senator Murray Sinclair believed the number to be as high as 6000, yet there are only around 3000 confirmed deaths and just slightly less with an associated name. ^[1] To actively work to provide a recording of the real number and a pointed acknowledgement of all those who perished is the most humane thing to do. It is time to let the children come home, Canada.

The names of around 2800 indigenous children known to have died in Canada's residential school system were acknowledged on a 50-foot cloth on September 30th, 2019 unravelled during an emotional ceremony in Gatineau, QC. The National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation (NCTR) listed every single one of these children on their website as well as the horrific conditions they endured. ^[2] If Senator Sinclair is correct, then this means over half of the names of deceased children are missing. Commemoration is an important step, but until all the children who perished are named, the future of reconciliation is at an impasse.

The institutions involved in running residential schools received payments from the federal government based on quarterly reports with a list of their resident “children”, in order to receive a per capita grant. So, when a student died or went missing no matter the circumstances, it was not the school's prerogative to disclose that information for fear of a loss of funding. This information could very well mean Senator Sinclair's estimate could be even higher. ^[3] 

Burial locations become even more important when considering healing from the trauma of residential schools. It represents an acknowledgement of the lives of the deceased and reflects that those children mattered and are not forgotten by their families and that their lives can be honoured in sacred ceremonies that go beyond a government apology and tokenism.  Providing the families with a proper burial or marker for the remains of their loved ones so that they can finally have the chance to mourn properly, be able to lay flowers on a headstone, cry and pray. These simple acts are not available to families until there is an actual grave to do so. Everyone, deserves that comfort, especially when children have passed.

This is a call that is still in progress. The government claims to have set aside money from the 2019 federal budget for commemoration, the student death register and an online cemetery register. The actual figure allocated is 33.8 million dollars over 3 years to maintain the National Student Death Register.^[4]  We await the results and initiatives that this funding can provide, and until then we are thankful for organizations like Remembering the Children Society and the families who work tirelessly for the initiative in the reburial process.

Based on our evaluation, Canada receives a D+.

Until next time 

Team ReconciliAction YEG

 

[1]Zaagi Ahse Geh, “Call to Action 74” (21 Nov 2019) online: Nabowadjige <https://nabowadjige.home.blog/2019/11/21/call-to-action-74/>. [Nabowadjige] 

[2] Kevin Maimann & Brennan Doherty, “Thousands of Indigenous children died in Canadian residential schools. Now we know some of their names” The Star Edmonton (30 September 2019) online: <www.thestar.com/edmonton/2019/09/30/thousands-of-indigenous-children-died-in-canadian-residential-schools-now-we-know-some-of-their-names.html>.(

[3]Ibid  

[4] Nabowadjige supra note 1.

Call to Action 77& 78: National Center for Truth and Reconciliation (NCTR)

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

Today Team ReconciliAction YEG continues our evaluation of the Calls to Action with #77 and #78. These Calls focus on the National Center for Truth and Reconciliation (NCTR). Call to Action #77 states:

77. We call upon provincial, territorial, municipal, and community archives to work collaboratively with the National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation to identify and collect copies of all records relevant to the history and legacy of the residential school system, and to provide these to the National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation. 

Since this Call to Action is directed at archives, the focus is on provinces and municipalities to take action. The difficulty of creating a complete and accurate record of the residential school system stems from several factors. The residential school system involved over 135 schools and several different government departments and church organizations, lasted over a century, and had traumatic consequences on the survivors.^[1] Despite these challenges, it is absolutely essential that Canadians develop a clear understanding of the residential school system and documentation is an important element of that understanding. 

As of 2018, the Chief Archivist of NCTR, Raymond Frogner reported that provinces, municipalities and communities were cooperating with the NCTR by providing records.^[2] However, some religious orders have refused to turn over residential school records to the NCTR, including schools like St. Anne’s in Ontario, where abuse was especially rampant and egregious. As of December 2020, the St. Anne’s Residential School records have not been released, despite court orders to do so.^[3]

(A photograph of St. Anne’s residential school, image courtesy of CTV News: https://www.ctvnews.ca/canada/residential-school-survivors-fighting-ottawa-over-access-to-police-records-1.1596983)

Due to the lack of accountability shown by these religious groups, we are assigning a D grade to this Call to Action. It is time for transparency and accountability for the role each party played in the residential school system.

The second Call to Action we are reviewing today is #78, as follows:

78. We call upon the Government of Canada to commit to making a funding contribution of $10 million over seven years to the National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation, plus an additional amount to assist communities to research and produce histories of their own residential school experience and their involvement in truth, healing, and reconciliation.

The government cites the “$10 million to support the important work of the National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation, as announced by the Prime Minister in December 2016” ^[4] as progress made towards this Call to Action. However, this is misleading. Call to Action #78 asks for an additional amount so that communities can research residential school experiences to know what happened and why. Allowing communities to have this information is crucial to reconciliation. Once again, the Government has not lived up to this commitment. No additional funding has been announced for the purpose of researching residential school experiences.

We are giving the Government a failing grade on this Call to Action. 

Until next time,

Team ReconciliAction YEG

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¹Office of the Auditor General of Canada, “Chapter 6—Creating a Historical Record of Indian Residential Schools” (Spring 2013) online: <www.oag-bvg.gc.ca/internet/English/parl_oag_201304_06_e_38191.html#hd3d> at 6.13.

²CBC News, “Beyond 94: Call to Action #77” (8 Feb 2021) online: <newsinteractives.cbc.ca/longform-single/beyond-94?&cta=77>.

³Jorje Barrera, “Some Catholic orders still withholding promised residential school records” CBC News (1 June 2018)  online: <www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/catholic-orders-residential-school-records-1.4686472>; Maan Alhmidi, “Survivor calls on Trudeau to release St. Anne’s residential-school abuse documents” The Star Edmonton (23 December 2020), online:<www.thestar.com/politics/2020/12/23/survivor-calls-on-trudeau-to-release-st-annes-residential-school-abuse-documents.html>

⁴Government of Canada, “Delivering on Truth and Reconciliation Commission Calls to Action: National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation” (5 September 2019) online: <www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1524505153967/1557512946537>.

 

 

Calls to Action: Residential School Cemeteries

 

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

 

As we touched on at the start of this month, it is estimated that a total of 6,000 Indigenous children died while attending residential schools.^[1] In many documented cases, if families were informed of the death of a child – they were not often informed as to what had happened, or where their loved ones were laid to rest. There are several Calls to Action relating to the burial, commemoration and information of these children.

 

Today we will be looking at Calls to Action 73, 75 and 76. These include the call for an online burial registry and the documentation, maintenance, commemoration, and protection of burial grounds - as led by Indigenous communities. These Calls to Action are as follows:

 

73. We call upon the federal government to work with churches, Aboriginal communities, and former residential school students to establish and maintain an online registry of residential school cemeteries, including, where possible, plot maps showing the location of deceased residential school children

75. We call upon the federal government to work with provincial, territorial, and municipal governments, churches, Aboriginal communities, former residential school students, and current landowners to develop and implement strategies and procedures for the ongoing identification, documentation, maintenance, commemoration, and protection of residential school cemeteries or other sites at which residential school children were buried. This is to include the provision of Calls to Action| 9 appropriate memorial ceremonies and commemorative markers to honour the deceased children.

76. We call upon the parties engaged in the work of documenting, maintaining, commemorating, and protecting residential school cemeteries to adopt strategies in accordance with the following principles:

i. The Aboriginal community most affected shall lead the development of such strategies.

ii. Information shall be sought from residential school Survivors and other Knowledge Keepers in the development of such strategies.

iii. Aboriginal protocols shall be respected before any potentially invasive technical inspection and investigation of a cemetery site.

 

For Call 73, as mentioned at the start of the month, the federal government put a relatively significant $33.8 million dollars towards developing and maintaining a National Residential School Death Register.^[2] This website is online and operational, with the details of 4118 children and their deaths currently accounted for.^[3] More information is continuously being added and updated, making this is a promising start to Call 73. 

 

While there are many parties required to be involved with the initiatives required for Calls 75 and 76, the focus of the Call lies directly on the Government of Canada. As these Calls to Action require a joint effort from federal and provincial governments, churches, and private landowners, and are time sensitive – they require strong leadership from the federal government to spearhead a collaborative approach. Unfortunately, the Federal government has not moved past any sort of planning phase, with the only action being the following statement:

 

“Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada has begun discussions with various partners, internal and external to the federal government, towards collaborating on an engagement strategy to gain a better understanding of the range of Indigenous family and community needs and interests and about how best to move forward in a comprehensive manner on all of the calls to actions regarding children who died or went missing while attending Indian residential schools" ^[4] 

 

With the government inaction, many non-government organizations have had to step in to protect and commemorate unmarked residential school cemeteries. Up to 40 percent of the children who attended the Red Deer Industrial School passed away due to outbreaks of disease, exacerbated by poor sanitation and inadequate health care.^[5] Many of these children were buried in unmarked graves, which a non-profit called the Remembering the Children Society has taken on the task of installing a memorial.^[6] 

 

 

With the protection commemoration of these sites being a very high stakes project, we would suggest that the Federal government has taken none of the necessary steps to earn a passing grade.

 

Until Tomorrow,

 

Team ReconciliAction

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[1] John Paul Tasker "Residential school findings point to 'cultural genocide,' commission chair says" CBC (29 May 2015) online: <https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/residential-schools-findings-point-to-cultural-genocide-commission-chair-says-1.3093580>. 

[2] Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada, "Delivering on Truth and Reconciliation Commission Calls to Action" (05 September 2019). online: <https://www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1524504992259/1557512149981>. 

[3] National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation "Student Memorial Register FAQ" University of Manitoba (2021) online: <https://nctr.ca/map.php>.

[4] Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada, "Delivering on Truth and Reconciliation Commission Calls to Action" (05 September 2019). online: <https://www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1524504992259/1557512149981>. 

[5] Omar Mosleh "Shallow graves, deep scars: Unmarked cemetery in Alberta reflects atrocities at one of Canada's deadliest residential schools" Toronto Star (13 October 2019) online: <https://www.thestar.com/edmonton/2019/10/13/shallow-graves-deep-scars-unmarked-cemetery-in-alberta-reflects-atrocities-at-one-of-canadas-deadliest-residential-schools.html>.

[6] Ibid.

 

Sen̓áḵw: an innovative and sustainable Indigenous-led development in downtown Vancouver

Image: Rendering of the new Sen̓áḵw development (Revery Architecture / https://senakw.com)

 

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

 

We have a positive news story to share with our readers to finish off this week. Sen̓áḵw, a new sustainable village, will break ground in Vancouver later this year.^[1] Sen̓áḵw, meaning “[t]he place inside the head of False Creek”, is part of the unceded territory of the Squamish Nation located on the edge of Kitsilano.^[2]

 

Historically home to a seasonal fishing village, the Sen̓áḵw lands became a permanent village in the 19th century.^[3] In 1868, the Government of Canada established Kitsilano Indian Reserve No. 6.^[4] Unfortunately, in 1913, the Province of British Columbia annexed the majority of the 37 acre parcel of land for industrial development and use by the City of Vancouver.^[5] This move was a product of the Canadian government's 1911 amendment to the Indian Act,^[6] which made it legal for the government to remove Indigenous people from reserves located next to a town of eight thousand or more residents—without their consent.^[7]

Image: City of Vancouver Archives

The Squamish Nation launched a decades-long court battle against the federal government in the 1970s, which resulted in the return of 10.5 acres of reserve land in 2003.^[8] This same land is part of the Sen̓áḵw development project.

 

The development of the Sen̓áḵw Lands will create a “highly sustainable, mixed-use project of primarily purpose-built rental housing of approximately 3.4 million square feet or 6,000 units”.^[9] It is set to be the largest development on First Nations land in Canada. The $3 billion development will span 11.6 acres and was not subject to Vancouver’s typical regulatory process.^[10] Khelsilem, a Squamish councillor, described the new development as possessing  “[...] a village feeling, reminiscent of our historical community here.” Around eighty percent of Sen̓áḵw will be reserved for public use, including park space.^[11]

The development of the Sen̓áḵw Lands will be a key driver of the Nation’s economy—or as Chief Janice George puts it, "[the Squamish people] deserve to benefit from this land, just like everybody else in Vancouver."^[12] Much of the Squamish Nation’s leasing revenue will expire in the next 25 years, so this development will secure the Nation’s financial future for generations to come.^[13]

Image: Rendering of the new Sen̓áḵw development (Revery Architecture / https://senakw.com)

 

In 2014, the City of Vancouver was designated as a City of Reconciliation and outlined goals to “form a sustained relationship, mutual respect, and understanding with local First Nations and the Urban Indigenous community,” as well as “promote Indigenous peoples arts, culture, and awareness.”^[14] The Sen̓áḵw development aligns with the city’s reconciliation goals, even though it is really the Squamish people who are initiating the change.

 

So often on this blog, we research and report on distressing and heartbreaking topics. It was a welcome change to share a positive outcome for Indigenous people in Canada. It is our hope that as more progress is made on responding to the TRC Calls to Action, the success stories will outnumber the reports of racism, abuse, and genocide against First Nations, Métis, and Inuit people in this country. There is so much more work to be done to achieve reconciliation in Canada, but there is also hope for the future of our country. Indigenous achievements, like Sen̓áḵw, prove what Indigenous people are capable of when everyone else gets out of their way.

 

Until Next Week,

Team ReconciliAction

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^[1] Alex Bozikovic, “In Vancouver the Squamish Nation shapes a sustainable village of 9,000” Globe and Mail (2 February 2021), online: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-senakw-in-vancouver-the-squamish-nation-shapes-a-sustainable-village/.

^[2] Sen̓áḵw, online: https://senakw.com/ [Senakw].

^[3] Ibid.

^[4] Ibid.

^[5] Ibid.

^[6] Indian Act Amendment Bill No 177, 3rd Sess, 11th Parl, 1910-1911, (as passed by the House of Commons 26 April 1911).

^[7] Angela Sterritt, “The little-known history of Squamish Nation land in Vancouver”, CBC News (21 April 2019), online:

https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/little-known-history-of-squamish-nation-land-in-vancouver-1.5104584

^[8] Senakw, supra note 2.

^[9] Ibid.

^[10] Jonathan Hilburg, “Final details and a groundbreaking date released for Vancouver’s massive Squamish Nation development”, The Architect’s Newspaper (4 February 2021), online:

https://www.archpaper.com/2021/02/final-details-a-groundbreaking-released-for-vancouver-massive-squamish-nation-development/.

^[11] Ibid.

^[12] Angela Sterritt, “We deserve to benefit from this land': Squamish Nation votes for $3B housing project on its land” CBC News (11 Dec 2019), online:

https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/squamish-nation-votes-yes-to-develop-mega-project-on-their-land-1.5391554

^[13] Senakw, supra note 2.

^[14] Leilah Stone, “Squamish Nation approves $3 billion housing development in Vancouver” The Architect’s Newspaper (13 December 2019), online: https://www.archpaper.com/2019/12/squamish-nation-approves-3-billion-housing-development-in-vancouver/.

Justice for Colten: Advocacy Against Systemic Racism in Canada's Legal System

(Artwork by Grace Berrios, Colton Boushie Quote Card for Rise Up Media) 

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

February 9 was the anniversary of Gerald Stanley’s acquittal.  For those who aren’t aware, Gerald Stanley was accused of killing Colten Boushie after Colten and some friends drove onto his rural Saskatchewan property.  Gerald Stanley was not convicted of this killing, despite the fact that Colten was killed by a close range gunshot in front of his friends and the son of Gerald Stanley.  Colten’s friends said they drove onto the property for help with a flat tire, and Gerald Stanley claimed that he approached the vehicle with his gun when he suspected the group of trying to steal an ATV, and the gun ‘hang fired’ into the back of Colten’s head.[1]

When reflecting on the news and social media reports of Colten’s death in 2016, it is striking to recall the vitriol of people who justified shooting and killing trespassers and who leaned on racism to support that justification.  Comments like “the only mistake was leaving 3 witnesses” (made by a SK municipal councillor) were pervasive, and people seemed quick to point fingers at the four friends while supporting the actions of Gerald Stanley.[2]  The RCMP and trial followed this pattern.  The investigation focused heavily on the 4 young occupants of the vehicle, and Colten’s friends were even arrested along with Gerald Stanley.[3]  Colten’s family members have stated that throughout the proceedings, it often felt like Colten was on trial and that Gerald Stanley was being treated as the victim.[4]  In fact, media publications would refer to the trial as the “Colten Boushie trial”, when it was Gerald Stanley who was on trial.  

There were other issues with the investigation and trial process.  The investigator in such a major incident was an inexperienced junior officer.[5]  The crime scene was left uncovered in the rain for two days and was not attended by any forensic expert.[6]  Colten’s mother was informed of his death by the RCMP as they searched her home, weapons drawn.  She was told to “get it together” and asked if she was drunk.[7]  During jury selection peremptory challenges excluded any juror who appeared Indigenous, and the selected jurors were not asked about possible racial bias or pre-trial public influence impacting their ability to remain objective.[8]  During the trial, the prior criminal records of the witnesses were discussed to discredit the victim and his friends.[9]  The trial judge did not inform the jury about the requirements of self defence or defence of property, which Gerald Stanley was not formally pleading but was clearly relying on.[10]

In the end, Gerald Stanley was acquitted, and Colten’s loved ones are left seeking justice.  The Saskatchewan crown prosecutors declined to appeal the acquittal stating there was no error in law, ending the proceedings that might have brought closure to Colten’s loved ones.

The verdict was controversially denounced by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and then Justice Minister Jody-Wilson Raybould and sparked an omnibus bill that abolished peremptory challenges.[11]  This legacy is just one of the many Colten has inspired.  Colten’s family used their grief to fuel incredible advocacy for the way Indigenous people are treated by the legal system.  This advocacy has taken them all the way to the United Nations to seek justice for Colten.[12]  Team ReconciliAction encourages our readers who have not yet seen the award-winning film nîpawistamâsowin: We Will Stand Up by Tasha Hubbard to watch this powerful telling of Colten’s story and the advocacy and work his family has done.[13]  

(Image: Tasha Hubbard, nîpawistamâsowin: We Will Stand Up (2019).)

In the meantime, we ask our readers to consider the first time they heard about Colten and recall the context in which the story was presented.  Was there any bias?  Do you think the story might have been told differently if the farmer was Indigenous and the car full of youth were white? Do you think bias seeps into our legal system in a way that makes it a system of justice for only some of the people who come into contact with it?  We talk a lot about the overrepresentation of Indigenous people in the legal system, and the lack of representation in the legal profession, but what happens when an Indigenous person is the victim of a crime? How is our system set up to properly care for victims and their families?

For today, we will leave you with those questions to ponder.

#JusticeForColten

Until Next Time,

ReconciliAction YEG

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[1] David Giles & Nathaniel Dove, “Calls grow for public inquiry into death of Colten Boushie, acquittal of Gerald Stanley”, (19 February 2020), online: Global News <https://globalnews.ca/news/6566640/public-inquiry-colten-boushie-gerald-stanley/>.

[2] Ian Austen, “A Murder Trial Stirs Emotions About Canada’s Relations With Indigenous Population”, The New York Times (9 February 2018), online: <https://www.nytimes.com/2018/02/09/world/canada/canada-saskatchewan-murder-indigenous.html>.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Rachel Giese, “Why Has Colten Boushie’s Mother Had To Work So Hard Just To Prove Her Son’s Humanity?”, (20 February 2018), online: Chatelaine <https://www.chatelaine.com/opinion/colten-boushie-mother/>.

[5] Jason Warick, “The long list of problems Colten Boushie’s family says marred the case”, (13 February 2018), online: CBC News <https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/saskatoon/colten-boushie-family-list-problems-gerald-stanley-case-1.4532214>.

[6] Ibid.

[7] Rachel Giese, supra note 4.

[8] Jason Warick, supra note 5.

[9] Ian Austen, supra note 2.

[10] David Giles & Nathaniel Dove, supra note 1.

[11] Kent Roach, “Gerald Stanley and Colten Boushie Case”, (10 February 2020), online: The Canadian Encyclopedia <https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/gerald-stanley-and-colten-boushie-case>.

[12] Tasha Hubbard, nîpawistamâsowin: We Will Stand Up (2019).

[13] Ibid.

Re: Mining Canadian Rocky Mountains and the Impacts – NO MORE COAL MINES

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

Public outcry has been swift and loud from First Nations, Albertans and the rest of Canada at the UCP government’s decision to rescind the coal policy protections that have been in place for the last 45 years. Alberta’s vulnerable southeastern slopes in the heart of southern Alberta's water supply are at great risk should international coal firms be given the green light to start mountaintop removal mining of the area’s metallurgical coal. If allowed, this decision would allow open-pit coal mining on the eastern slopes of the Rocky Mountains. [1] These areas have been flagged for decades as needing protections against mining because of the potentially devastating effects on the waterways, wildlife and disruption of backcountry recreations as well as infringements on First Nations’ inherent rights.

 Apart from being invasive, mountaintop coal mining strips the soil, vegetation and rock from thousands of hectares of land that eventually see the dumping of the resulting waste into the valleys that reach the natural waterways, destroying and severely disrupting native wildlife. Research has identified these issues, which also include human health risks in addition to environmental risks. Open-pit coal mines are intensive water consumers and generate an incredible amount of toxic waste. The public outcry to these changes has been loud and united in its plea against rescinding the coal policy protections. [2]

Last week the Kainai-Blood Tribe added their voice to the outcry by announcing plans to launch a legal challenge against the Government of Alberta over its decision to unilaterally rescind the 1976 Coal Policy. [3] The Blood Tribe leadership, who had previously faced some backlash from its community members over the issue, had reached an agreement with mining giant Benga last November over its plans to mine in Grassy Mountain and Included in the agreement was a duty to consult with the tribe as mining goes ahead. However, it appears this mutual agreement with Benga over Grassy Mountain coal does not extend to other coal mining proposals now being considered by the Kenney government on the Eastern Slopes. Added to this the general members say they were not consulted at any point and intend to fight and keep up the pressure because each of these foreign owned mining companies has little to no regard for their inherent rights and connections to the land. [4] 

Surprisingly,  the UCP did a complete 180 and announced they would back down on coal mining and issuing any new leases in the Rockies amid powerful public protest against such action this past Monday. Although this development is considered a victory, it does not mean the fight against coal mining is over especially if the UCP was ready to remove the protection of land in place for over 44 years without consultation, or even a phone call. We suspect it is far from over given the history of this government[5]

Energy Minister Sonya Savage said at Monday’s press conference, "Albertans have spoken loud and clear and we have heard them,“.  What the Government of Alberta heard is a collective voice condemning their attempts to disregard our concerns for the environment over dirty money, in an industry that is fast becoming obsolete in favour of more efficient and less invasive energy sources. [6]  

Ok so Alberta has essentially said no new exploration leases on the so-called Category 2 lands (most environmentally sensitive areas), but companies with current exploration permits may continue their work. The reinstated policy effectively bans mines where exploration is taking place. This is a relief especially considering that there was little to no consultation with First Nations or ranchers in the area.[7] The local people don’t want the expansion of coal mining as much as the majority of Albertans and Canadians far and wide. “NO MORE COAL MINES.” This is a mantra that is not going anywhere anytime soon.

Until Next Time

Team ReconciliAction YEG

 

[1]Albertans for Coal Free Rockies, “Coal Mining Threat to the South Eastern Slopes of the Rockies” (3 Jul 2020) online: <ab4coalfreerockies.ca/learn-more/coal-mining-threat-to-the-south-eastern-slopes-of-the-rockies#:~:text=Coal%20Mining%20Threat%20to%20the%20South%20Eastern%20Slopes,door%20to%20intensive%20coal%20development%20in%20the%20region>.

[2] Ibid.

[3] Tom Kalinowski, “ Blood Tribe to launch legal challenge over Coal Policy” Medicine Hat News (2 Feb 2021) online:<medicinehatnews.com/news/southern-alberta-news/2021/02/02/blood-tribe-to-launch-legal-challenge-over-coal-policy/#:~:text=While%20opposed%20to%20coal%20mining%20in%20what%20were,in%20Category%204%20lands%20under%20the%20old%20definitions.> 

[4] Ibid

[5] Ibid

[6] Bob Weber, “Alberta backs down on coal mining in Rocky Mountains after huge public outcry” Financial Post (8 Feb 2021) online: <financialpost.com/commodities/mining/alberta-backs-down-on-coal-mining-in-rocky-mountains-after-huge-public-outcry>. Alberta backs down on coal mining in Rocky Mountains after huge public outcry | Financial Post 

[7] Ibid

Celebrating Senator Murray Sinclair

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

On January 31st, 2021, Senator Murray Sinclair served his last day as a member of the Senate. Today ReconciliAction YEG would like to celebrate his accomplishments and look forward to the impact he will continue to have as he enters the next phase of his career. 

(Image credit: Dalhousie University, https://www.dal.ca/news/2018/08/08/belong-forum-preview--5-things-you-should-know-about-senator-mur.html)

The Honorable Murray Sinclair, or Mizanay (Mizhana) Gheezhik (“The One Who Speaks of Pictures in the Sky”) was born and raised on the former St. Peter's Indian Reserve, north of Winnipeg, Manitoba. He is Ojibwe and is a member of the Peguis First Nation. ^[1] Sinclair was raised by his grandparents and graduated as valedictorian of his high school class. 

Upon graduation, Sinclair returned home to take care of his grandmother for two years before attending university. He enrolled in the Faculty of Law at Robson Hall in 1976, where he continued to receive accolades for high achievement. In 1980, Sinclair was called to the Manitoba Bar. His practice focused on civil and criminal litigation, Indigenous law and human rights. 

While he eventually became renowned for his expertise, Sinclair faced racism inside and outside the courtroom for his Indigenous heritage. Sinclair used these experiences to challenge racist stereotypes and advocate for Indigenous peoples by partnering with organizations like the Assembly of Manitoba Chiefs and Manitoba Métis Federation. 

After being asked repeatedly, Sinclair first became the first Indigenous judge in Manitoba at age 37. ^[2] He then became the Associate Chief Justice of the Manitoba Provincial Court, where he commissioned multiple important reports shed light on issues that impacted the lives of marginalized people. In 1999, Justice Sinclair (as he then was) co-commissioned the Aboriginal Justice Inquiry which inquired into the deaths of Helen Betty Osborne and John Joseph Harper and detailed systemic racism faced by Indigenous peoples. Justice Sinclair also headed the inquiry of the deaths of twelve children in the Pediatric Cardiac Surgery Inquest, which produced its report in 2000. In 2001, Justice Sinclair was then  appointed to the Manitoba Court of Queens Bench.

As many readers may know, Justice Sinclair was appointed as Co-Chair of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was formed by the Canadian government as part of the Residential Schools Settlement Agreement, but the first commission board stepped down in 2008. ^[3] Sinclair had actually removed his name from the list of potential chairs in 2007, as his grandparents were residential school survivors and he was concerned about the emotional toll of heading the commission.^[4] Never one to shy away from a difficult decision, Senator Sinclair agreed to chair the Commission in 2009. As we know, Senator Sinclair took his position as co-chair of the TRC with utmost care and grace, and continues to be vocal about reconciliation and the Calls to Action five years later.

In 2016, the Honorable Murray Sinclair was appointed to the Senate. He is the 16th Indigenous member of the Canadian Senate, and during his tenure remained a fierce advocate for Indigenous peoples. For example, he chaired an investigation into the Thunder Bay Police Services Board in response to systemic racism within the police force in 2017.^[5]  

So, what’s next for the Honorable Murray Sinclair? He has taken a position as general counsel for the largest Indigenous law firm in Manitoba, Cochrane Saxberg LLP. He hopes to mentor the next generation of lawyers and is also writing his memoir, which will chronicle his truly amazing life story and will no doubt inspire Canadians for generations to come. ^[6]

Thank you for reading! 

Until next time,

Team ReconciliAction YEG

¹Michael John Simpson, “Murray Sinclair” (2 Feb 2021) online: The Canadian Encyclopedia <www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/murray-sinclair>.

²Ibid. 

³CBC News, “Chairman quits troubled residential-school commission” CBC News (20 Oct 2008) online: <www.cbc.ca/news/canada/chairman-quits-troubled-residential-school-commission-1.704043>.

⁴Canadian Encyclopedia, supra note 1.

⁵Senator Murray Sinclair, “Thunder Bay Police Services Board Investigation - FINAL REPORT” (1 Nov 2018), online (pdf): <tribunalsontario.ca/documents/ocpc/TBPSB_Investigation_Final_Report_-_EN-FINAL-1.pdf>.

⁶Ross Andersen, “Mentoring Indigenous lawyers among Sen. Sinclair’s retirement plans” CTV News (1 Feb 2021), online: <www.ctvnews.ca/politics/mentoring-indigenous-lawyers-among-sen-sinclair-s-retirement-plans-1.5288828>.

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Vaccination plans and the Nuxalk Nation

 Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

 

The conversation around reconciliation and the Calls to Action does not remain static. Since 2021 began there have been several national news items that hold significant relevance to our reviews of the Calls to Action. Some of these have been encouraging, others - not so much. This week we are visiting some of these current news items and commenting on the legal relationships which underpin them.

 

One of the more troubling stories over January concerned the COVID-19 vaccine rollout on the Nuxalk Nation in the Bella Coola Valley, located in Northern British Columbia. Recognizing the higher risk of COVID-19 among First Nations communities, and the policy of prioritizing inoculations on communities by Health Canada and the provinces has been promising as it pertains to the Calls to Action on health.^[1] However - this policy has on occasion been thwarted by incompetence and pervasive medical discrimination and racism during a dysfunctional implementation.

 

Bella Coola Valley and the land that comprises the Nuxalk Nation - Photo from the Willams Lake Tribune.

 

There is quite a lot in this story that relates to Calls to Actions that we have reviewed. The main points we will examine today relate to the manner in which the health official left the community – with the vaccines that were promised to the community. Angela Sterritt of the CBC has put together most of the details from this Nuxalk Nation debacle so far. ^[2]

 

The health team, sent by Vancouver Coastal Health, arrived in Bella Coola on January 17, 2021 and began administering the vaccine to high-priority Elders on January 19th. On January 20th, the health team encountered technical issues pertaining to the internet connection and how health data was being inputted in the northern community. The health team lead placed the onus on the community to figure out these challenges, setting a strict deadline of 10:00 a.m. the following morning to ‘outline a plan’. When the community responded with a plan at 10:02 a.m., the health team deemed this to be insufficient and left abruptly.

 

The team leader, Dr. John Harding, asked for an RCMP detail to escort him from the community. When leaving he sent two pertinent emails—the first to the Vancouver Coastal Health Authority outlining that he felt he was ‘going to be sticked up’ by the community. The second was to the community referring to the vaccines as ‘gifts’ that were being taken away, with Harding telling the community he was ‘deeply saddened’ at the lack of a rollout plan. ^[3]

 

A strong policy can run astray by the incompetence of those on the ground. These two emails expose a deeper relationships that continue to exist between the crown or government representatives and Indigenous communities. The framing of essential vaccines, a public health item, as a gift, is a glib, patronizing and dehumanizing approach to essential medical supplies.

 

Framing the vaccines as a gift positioned the health team as holding ostensible control over the vaccines. This made the ‘gift’ revocable at the at team leader’s whim. In reality, the vaccines belonged to the Nuxalk and the health team’s role was to administer them. It would be asinine for health officials to use this language if the vaccines were being sent to a long-term care facility. While the Health Authority and the government of British Columbia apologized for this language, the vaccines were not returned to the Nation, and were instead used in Vancouver.^[4] 

 

The second email relates to the usage of the RCMP. BC Health has apologized for the actions of John Harding, and admitted wrongdoing. There is no evidence that there was any potential for altercation or argument between Dr. Harding and the Nuxalk Nation, other than Dr. Harding’s own belief. Nevertheless, the RCMP seems to have provided Dr. Harding an armed escort out of the community. 

 

This is a consistent relationship with the RCMP; the very purpose for which they were created. We covered this relationship in a post made in November. Here is another example in which the RCMP will intervene to protect the crown and government interests when there is even a remote possibility that a property interest was in dispute. With the facts that are known thus far, it seems that the RCMP were used as a tool of intimidation by the party who was in the wrong. Strong policies towards reconciliation can fall apart quickly when not properly administered. We hope that the Nuxalk Nation receives adequate vaccinations promptly.

 

Until tomorrow,

 

Team ReconciliAction.

 

[1] Government of Canada "COVID-19 Vaccinations and Indigenous People," (02 February 2021) online: <https://www.sac-isc.gc.ca/eng/1606941379837/1606941507767>.

[2] Angela Sterritt, "Officials apologize after more than 200 vaccine doses pulled from remote B.C. community" CBC News (02 February 2021) online: <https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/medical-health-officer-vaccine-indigenous-community-1.5890828>.

[3] Ibid. 

[4] Justine Hunter, "B.C. public health officials apologize after COVID-19 vaccines withdrawn from remote Indigenous Community" Globe & Mail (04 February 2021) online: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/british-columbia/article-bc-public-health-officials-apologize-after-covid-19-vaccines-withdrawn/

 

 

TRC 5 Years Later: Missing Children

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

 

Indigenous children faced deplorable living conditions in residential schools.^[1] These children lived in poorly constructed buildings with inadequate lighting, heating, and ventilation.^[2] Even their access to clean water was inadequate, which had profound effects on their health.^[3] These poorly maintained schools also had dangerous fire escapes, if they had them at all, resulting in at least 40 student deaths in recorded fires.^[4]

The federal government actually stopped recording the deaths of Indigenous children in the care of residential schools around 1920, after the chief medical officer at Indian Affairs suggested children were dying at an alarming rate.^[5] Justice Murray Sinclair, who served as the Chairman of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission from 2009 to 2015, estimates that up to 6,000 children died in the schools.^[6] Unfortunately, many of these children are still missing or unidentified. The TRC designed Calls 71 to 76 to help families learn the fate of children who never returned home from residential schools, locate unmarked graves, and maintain, protect and commemorate residential school cemeteries^[7]. Such work is vital to healing and reconciliation. Today we take an in depth look at Calls 71 and 72.

 

Call 71 states:

71. We call upon all chief coroners and provincial vital statistics agencies that have not provided to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada their records on the deaths of Aboriginal children in the care of residential school authorities to make these documents available to the National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation.

 

Call 72 states:

72. We call upon the federal government to allocate sufficient resources to the National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation to allow it to develop and maintain the National Residential School Student Death Register established by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada.

 

The TRC established the National Residential School Student Death Register, which is a national effort to record the number of students who died while in the care of residential school authorities.^[8] In June 2012, the Chief Coroners and Medical Examiners of Canada approved a unanimous resolution to provide the TRC their records on the deaths of Indigenous children while attending residential schools.^[9] As of 2014, vital statistics offices in British Columbia, Alberta, Saskatchewan, Ontario, Nova Scotia, Yukon, and Nunavut responded to the TRC’s request for records.^[10] The chief coroner’s offices in Saskatchewan, Northwest Territories, Manitoba and Nova Scotia also responded to the TRC’s request to assist them by locating records related to deaths at residential schools.^[11] There are ongoing attempts to document the children who never returned home from residential schools.

 

In response to Call to Action 72, Crown Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada provided the National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation with funding to develop the National Student Death Register.^[12] There are currently 4118 children listed within the national student memorial register.^[13] In addition, the 2019 federal budget allocated $33.8 million over 3 years to develop and maintain the register and work with parties to establish and maintain an online registry of residential school cemeteries.

 

There has been no movement on Call 71 since the publication of the TRC’s final report. While individual provinces who responded to the TRC’s request for records would receive a passing grade, overall, the majority of the country’s provinces receive a failing grade for their collective inaction. The federal government receives a “B+” for Call 72 for providing funding to the National Centre for Reconciliation to support the development of the register and for allocating additional funding in 2019 to maintain this register.

 

Until Next Week,

Team ReconciliAction

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^[1] Canada, Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Honouring the Truth and Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. Winnipeg: The Commission, 2015 at 94 [TRC Report].

^[2] Ibid

^[3] Ibid.

^[4] Ibid at 95.

^[5] Chinta Puxley, “Up to 6,000 children dies at Canada’s residential schools, report finds”, Global News (2015 May 31) online: https://globalnews.ca/news/2027587/deaths-at-canadas-indian-residential-schools-need-more-study-commission/.

^[6] Ibid.

^[7] TRC Report, supra note 1 at 263.

^[8] Ibid at 258.

^[9] Ibid.

^[10] Ibid at 259.

^[11] Ibid.

^[12] Government of Canada. “Missing children and burial information”, online: https://www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1524504992259/1557512149981.

^[13] National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation, “Student Memorial Register FAQ”, online: https://memorial.nctr.ca/?page_id=570.

5 Years After TRC: Redress from the Archives

(Image Credit: “Indigenous documentary heritage initiatives”, (28 November 2018), online: Library and Archives Canada <https://www.bac-lac.gc.ca/eng/discover/aboriginal-heritage/initiatives/Pages/default.aspx>.)

Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

Today we will evaluate TRC Call to Action #70, which (spoiler!) we are happy to report has made significant progress.  Call to Action # 70 states:

We call upon the federal government to provide funding to the Canadian Association of Archivists to undertake, in collaboration with Aboriginal peoples, a national review of archival policies and best practices to:

1. Determine the level of compliance with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the United Nations Joinet-Orentlicher Principles, as related to Aboriginal peoples’ inalienable right to know the truth about what happened and why, with regard to human rights violations committed against them in the residential schools.
2. Produce a report with recommendations for full implementation of these international mechanisms as a reconciliation framework for Canadian archives.[1]

In 2016, the newly formed Standing Committee on Canada’s Archives established the Truth and Reconciliation Task Force (TRC-TF) to undertake the response to Call to Action #70.   The federal government provided funding support for this task force in 2018 through a Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council grant. [2]

The TRC-TF released its report “A Reconciliation Framework for Canadian Archives” in summer 2020, after four years of conducting a review of archival policies and best practices in collaboration with Indigenous communities, heritage professionals and organizations across Canada.[3]  This new framework is meant to be a collaborative living document, and includes principles and objectives, as well as strategies to work toward those objectives. 

The release of this report and the ongoing nature of the task force charged with putting the strategies into practice make the response to this call one of the most thorough we have seen to date.  This task force included Indigenous voices and views in the final report and clearly engaged in a very collaborative consultation process.  The end result is a positive step toward facing the colonial legacy of Canada’s historical archives.  You can read the full report here.

We are assigning a grade of ‘A’ for Call to Action #70.  However, as much as we hate to temper a positive moment, it feels prudent to note that this call was not completed by Canada, but rather through the efforts of the TRC-TF (and specifically the grant writers behind the flow of funds, because we all know how laborious grant writing is!).  Because of this, we thought the report card should clarify who gets this grade. 

Stay tuned tomorrow as we dig into specific archival records pertaining to missing children and burials. 

Until Next Time,

ReconciliAction YEG

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[1] Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. (Ottawa: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015).

[2] Government of Canada; Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada, “Museums and archives”, (23 April 2018), online: <https://www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1524504831027/1557513782811>.

[3] “A Reconciliation Framework for Canadian Archives”, (3 August 2020), online: Librarianship.ca <https://librarianship.ca/news/reconciliation-framework-archives/>.

Re: Healing Through Archives, First Peoples, First Records

69. We call upon Library and Archives Canada to:

i. Fully adopt and implement the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the United Nations Joinet-Orentlicher Peoples, as related to know the truth about what happened and why with regard to human rights violations committed against them in residential schools.

ii. Ensure that its record holdings related to residential schools are accessible to the public

iii. Commit more resources to its public education material and programming on residential schools.

Call to Action #69  calls for the Library and Archives of Canada (LAC) to make records on residential schools and the human rights violations which occurred because of these institutions. The goal of this Call to Action is to make this information more accessible to the public and challenge the ignorance of Canadians when it comes to the history of residential schools. ^[1]

One of the challenges that have arisen is educating the public on how archives can be used as a viable research tool to learn about Canadian history, including the Indian Residential School era. .  In May 2012, LAC released a guide to the records of Indian and Inuit affairs program titled: The School Files Series, 1879 -1953. These files hold records created by the federal government about the administration of residential schools from 1879 to 1953, about both residential and day schools. Additionally, the files include some records of the admission and discharge of students at residential schools, as well as information on the establishment of individual schools. The School Files Series has been digitized and is available through the Microform Digitization section of the LAC website found here: Guide for Residential Schools Research Now Available Online | Library and Archives Canada Blog (thediscoverblog.com)

There are many different types of records related to residential schools available from LAC. The government records in possession of LAC are likely to mention the names of students in documents including attendance and discharge forms, applications for admission, daily registers, records of death for pupils in residential schools, and Principal’s monthly reports to name a few.^[2]The importance of these records can be seen in the speaking notes of Dr. Guy Berthiaume, a Librarian and Archivist of Canada presented to the International Council on Archives Conference in Seoul, Korea on September 6, 2016. He began by telling a true story about one of the darkest chapters in Canadian history, of incredible sadness and heartbreak, separation of families and loss.^[3] He did this to show his peers that to forget was to abandon the truth and doing so would put us at risk of repeating history. He quoted the words of George Erasmus, the former national chief of the Assembly of First Nations:

“If the stories of our people are not accessible to the general public, it will be as if their experiences never occurred. And if their voices are rendered as museum pieces, it will be as if their experience is frozen in time.”

He went on to further quote one of his fellow archivists:

“At first, I was terribly aware of being a white woman, and I wondered how I would be perceived. But I quickly forgot about it. I realized that reconciliation is about all of us, understanding together what happened. As archivists, we seldom get the chance to see first-hand the impact of records on people’s lives. I realized that sometimes, the truth is not simply what is historically accurate.”^[4]

The role of archivists is to uncover the truth about history, even if what we find sometimes, as in the case of Indigenous peoples, is dark and horrible. There is healing in sharing, and most importantly healing in the telling of stories that must never be forgotten. We must be witnesses, every last one of us.

Until Next Time

Team ReconciliAction YEG

[1]Acadian University, “Call to Action #69” online: <http://courseware.acadiau.ca/trctalk/call-to-action-69/>.

[2] Libraries and Archives Canada, “Guide for Residential Schools Research Now Available Online” (15 May 2012), online(blog):<https://thediscoverblog.com/2012/05/15/guide-for-residential-schools-research-now-available-online/>. 

[3] Dr. Guy Berthiaume, “Witnesses to the truth: managing the records of difficult times” (6 September 2016), online: <https://www.canada.ca/en/library-archives/news/2016/10/witnesses-truth-managing-records-difficult-times.html>.

[4] Ibid.

Museums and Reconciliation

Tansi,

“If museums are to achieve their goal of “interpreting the past, explaining the present, and thereby Illuminating choices for the future”, they must express accurately and in context the cultural heritage and spirit of the civilizations that they portray.” ^[1]

In 1988, the world watched as Calgary, Alberta hosted the winter Olympic games. As part of the Arts Festival accompanying the games, an exhibition titled “The Spirit Sings” was hosted at the Glenbow Museum. The exhibition featured over 650 pieces from Indigenous cultures across Canada. ^[2] Ironically, the corporate sponsor of the exhibition was Shell Oil, a company that the Lubicon Lake Cree band argued was responsible for the destruction of their lifestyle. As a result, the Lubicon band and others in their support boycotted the exhibit and joined in protest.^[3]  

(Protesters at the exhibit in 1988, Photo credit: Bill Lindsay, J. David Galway / The Chronicle Journal, January 13, 1988, taken from: https://www.rebeccabelmore.com/artifact-671b/)

Some artefacts featured in the exhibit were sacred items of great significance which some Indigenous peoples argued should not have been displayed to the public. For example, a false face mask belonging to the spiritual leaders of the Mohawk people was included in the exhibition. ^[4] In response, the Kahnawake Mohawk Band successfully filed an injunction to have the sacred mask (and other artefacts) removed. ^[5] However, an application to extend the injunction was unsuccessful, and the mask was later placed back on display. ^[6]

“The Spirit Sings” illuminated the inherent problems with putting Indigenous culture on display in museums without having any meaningful dialogue with the Indigenous groups to whom the artefacts belong. In response to the boycott and protests, a task force was assembled between the Canadian Museums Association (CMA) and the Assembly of First Nations (AFN), to begin a dialogue and publish a report of their findings. The Report, published in 1994, came to several conclusions regarding museum collections and the need to involve the First Peoples in their development.^[7]  

Twenty-one years later, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) reiterated the need for the CMA to undertake a review of museum policies with the collaboration of Indigenous peoples in Call to Action #67. This time, the TRC referenced the need for the recommendations of The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples to be incorporated in the review, as follows:

We call upon the federal government to provide funding to the Canadian Museums Association to undertake, in collaboration with Aboriginal peoples, a national review of museum policies and best practices to determine the level of compliance with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and to make recommendations.^[8]

In response, the CMA established a Reconciliation Council in 2018. The CMA refers to this council as “a cohesive and influential body of experts in Indigenous culture and museum practices, who are providing guidance and advice to address Call to Action #67.” ^[9] The CMA expects to publish a report on the Council’s findings in fall of 2021. As we have yet to see the report findings, but actions have been taken towards Call to Action #67, we are assigning a grade of C+ to this Call.

The second Call to Action that calls upon the CMA, along with the Canadian government, is Call to Action #68 as follows:

We call upon the federal government, in collaboration with Aboriginal peoples, and the Canadian Museums Association to mark the 150th anniversary of Canadian Confederation in 2017 by establishing a dedicated national funding program for commemoration projects on the theme of reconciliation.^[10]

Unlike many other Calls to Action, #68 has a date for completion: Canada’s 150th ‘birthday,’ based on Confederation. According to the Government of Canada, $3.6 million was invested into five “signature projects  that include a strong focus on Indigenous communities, including two  that are specifically designed to promote reconciliation amongst Indigenous and non-Indigenous people in Canada”.^[11] However, CBC News points out that this fund (the Canada 150 Community Infrastructure Fund) was created by the preceding federal government in May 2015 without collaboration with Indigenous peoples and without an exclusive goal of reconciliation.^[12]

It is disappointing when even the most explicitly stated Calls to Action are given a half-hearted effort by the Government. For this reason, we are assigning a D- grade to the Government of Canada on Call to Action #68. 

Thanks for reading. Let us know what you thought of this evaluation in the comments section below!

Until next time,

Team ReconciliAction YEG

¹CMA/AFN Task Force Report on Museums and First Peoples (1994, 3rd edition) Ottawa, CMA Archives.

²Julia D Harrison & Bruce Trigger, “'The Spirit Sings' and the Future of Anthropology” (1988) 4:6 Anthropology Today, 6 at 6-7.

³Dan Dibbelt, ”Nations gather to protest Glenbow's Spirit Sings display” (1988) 5:23, Windspeaker Publication. 

⁴ Ibid.

⁵Ibid. 

⁶Kahnawake Mohawk Band v. Glenbow-Alberta Institute, 1988 CanLII 3797 (AB QB). 

⁷Task Force Report, supra note 1. 

⁸Canada, Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Honouring the Truth and Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. Winnipeg: The Commission, 2015, at 8. [TRC Calls to Action]

⁹Canadian Museums Association, “Reconciliation Program” (2021), online: <museums.ca/site/aboutthecma/reconciliationprogram>. 

¹⁰TRC Calls to Action, supra note 8 at 8. 

¹¹Government of Canada, “Museums and archives” (Sept 5, 2019), online: Delivering on the Truth and Reconciliation Calls to Action: <rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1524504831027/1557513782811>.

¹²CBC News, Beyond 94: Call to Action #68, (Dec 2020) CBC News, online: <https://newsinteractives.cbc.ca/longform-single/beyond-94?&cta=68>. 

Call to Action #66: Funding Community Based Youth Organizations

 

 Tansi Nîtôtemtik,

 

Call to Action #66 is closely connected to the Calls to Action on education. In their final report, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission highlighted the importance of positive engagement with youth and young people, and outlined that one way forward was through youth forums and educative dialogue.^[1]

 

While there has been a movement towards youth initiatives from different levels of government, Call to Action #66 specifically refers to the federal government, which will be the focus of this review.

 

Call to Action 66 states:

We call upon the federal government to establish multi-year funding for community-based youth organizations to deliver programs on reconciliation, and establish a national network to share information and best practices.

 

Often when this blog assigns a failing or poor grade, we will outline the level of government responsible for the Call and present how the government has said that they have responded. These public responses to the Calls to Action often contain much more talking and lip service than they do action. As we have outlined, the federal government’s ‘Delivering on Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s Calls to Action’ has several responses listed that are either unrelated to the Call to Action they purport to serve, or consist of inadequate and misleading government spending that predates the Calls to Action. Thus far, it seems to us that all levels of the Canadian government have used wording to create an image of reconciliation, but have failed to follow through with meaningful action.

 

Call to Action #66 presents an interesting case in which the opposite appears to be true. Justin Trudeau has publicly blundered on statements regarding the interests of Indigenous youth, at one point so egregiously so that Cree Member of Parliament Romeo Saganash called Trudeau’s statements ‘bordering on racist.’^[2] While the language and politicking around Call #66 has been poor and reckless, it is one of the few calls that has had a significant budget allocated specifically for its implementation.  The 2019 Federal budget allocated 15.2 million dollars specifically towards implementing Call to Action #66.^[3] 

 

The majority of the federal government’s budget for Call #66 has targeted non-profit organizations, including the Canadian Roots Exchange (CRE). The CRE’s mission statement is to ‘build bridges between Indigenous and non-Indigenous youth in Canada by facilitating dialogue and strengthening relationships through leadership programs.’^[4] The CRE implemented several programs across Canada prior to the Calls to Action were made, and have been able to significantly increase the scope of their work with the federal government’s funding. 

 

In a specific response to call #66, CRE has created a program called ‘the network’ to exchange best practices and ideas to allow Indigenous youth to build connections across the country. This program exists for the very purpose of Call to Action 66 and is funded significantly by the federal government. While there is always more to be done, especially with youth empowerment, the response to this all to Action was planned, implemented, and funded within three years of the TRC’s final report. For these reasons, we award the federal government a grade of ‘B+’ for Call #66.

You can find more about the work that the Canadian Roots Exchange does and continue to support that work here.

 

Until tomorrow,

 

Team ReconciliAction

 

[1] Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, "Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada" (Ottawa: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015) at 245.

[2] John Paul Tasker. "Trudeau's 'canoes and paddles' remark called borderline racist by First Nations MP" CBC (10 February 2017), online: <https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/saganash-letter-trudeau-canoe-paddles-1.3976685>. 

[3] Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada, "Delivering on Truth and Reconciliation Commission Calls to Action" (05 September 2019). online: <https://www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1524503097736/1557513982301>. 

[4] Canada Roots Exchange, "About Us, CRE Builds Bridges" (2021) online: <https://canadianroots.ca/about>.